7 


THE 


M 


ROUTE   OF   ARNOLD'S   CAMPAIGN. 


THE 


wold's 


AND  OF  THE 


HARDSHIPS  AND  SUFFERINGS  OF  THAT  BAND  OF  HEROES 


TEA  VERSED  THE  WILDERNESS  OF  MAINE 


CAMBRIDGE  TO  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE, 


AUTUMN  OF  1775. 


BY  JOHN  JOSEPH  HENRY, 

o 

One  of  the  Survivors. 


ALBANY: 
JOEL    MUNSELL. 

1877. 


277 


MEMOIR 

OF 

JOHN    JOSEPH    HENRY, 

BY  HIS  GRANDSON. 


John  Joseph  Henry,  the  author  of  the  Campaign  against  Quebec,  was 
born  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  4th  of  November  A.D.  1758. 
His  ancestors  came  to  Pennsylvania  with  the  first  great  wave  of  Scotch- 
Irish  immigration.  His  father,  William  Henry,  in  a  brief  memoir  of  him 
self,  written  in  the  German  tongue  a  few  weeks  before  his  death,  says  : 

"I  was  born  May  1 9th,  1729.  My  grandparents  on  my  father's  side 
came  from  Scotland,  and  on  my  mother's  side  were  descendants  of  French 
refugees.  My  parents  on  both  sides  came  from  Ireland  to  Pennsylvania 
and  were  married  in  this  country.  My  father  was  a  Presbyterian  and  my 
mother  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  but  as  there  was  then  no> 
Anglican  church  in  Pennsylvania  the  whole  family  felt  drawn  to  join  the 
Presbyterians."1 

Robert  Henry,  the  Scottish  grandfather,  with  his  wife  Mary  and  their 
three  sons  John,  Robert  and  James,  arrived  in  the  Delaware  in  ijzz.  He 
settled  in  the  pleasant  valley  of  Doe  Run  in  the  wide  county  of  Chester 
and  there,  in  1735,  ^e  an<^  his  w^e  ended  their  pilgrimages  on  the  same 
day  and  were  buried  together  at  the  historic  Octorara  Meeting  House. 

Of  the  three  sons  James  died   early  leaving  a  single  child  who  did  not 
survive  infancy,  and  Robert,  following  the  current  of  Scotch-Irish  emigra 
tion  went  into  the  valley  of  Virginia  where  he  left  many  sons  and  daughters 
and  they  many  descendants. 

John  Henry  married  the  daughter  of  Hugh  De  Vinney,  one  of  the  Hu 
guenots  of  the  Pequea  valley.  He  remained  upon  and  added  to  the  lands 


1  This  statement  is  not  strictly  accurate.    There  was  more  than  one  Anglican  church 
in  the  vicinity  of  Philadelphia  previously  to  lyzz. 
1 


M15377 


iv.  Memoir. 

of  his  father,  but  dying  in  middle  life  his  family,  consisting  of  five  sons  and 
several  daughters,  was  in  the  language  of  the  memoir  "  entirely  scattered." 

William  Henry,  the  eldest  of  the  sons,  then  in  his  fifteenth  year,  was 
sent  to  Lancaster  to  learn  the  trade  of  gunsmith  with  Matthew  Roeser. 

Lancaster  county  had  been  set  off  from  the  vast  county  of  Chester  in 
1729  and  itself  included  "all  and  singular  the  lands  within  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania  lying  to  the  northward  of  Octorara  creek  and  to  the  westward 
of  a  line  of  marked  trees  running  from  the  north  branch  of  Octorara  creek 
northeasterly  to  the  river  Schuylkill."  Lancaster,  the  county  seat,  was  laid 
out  by  James  Hamilton,  afterwards  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1728, 
and  was  in  1745  an  active  and  prosperous  town  with  about  two  thousand 
inhabitants. 

Emigrants  in  large  numbers  and  in  some  cases  in  organized  bodies,  from 
Ireland,  Scotland,  France,  Germany  and  Switzerland,  had  poured  into  the 
fertile  wilderness  of  southern  Pennsylvania.  Flying  for  the  most  part  from 
oppressive  land  laws  or  from  religious  persecution  they  brought  with  them 
their  clergy,  their  school  masters  and  their  books  and  that  intensity  of  faith 
and  purpose  which  had  sent  them  forth  to  found  new  homes  across  the  sea. 
Lancaster,  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  great  valley  of  unsurpassed  fertility 
soon  became  not  only  the  seat  of  an  active  commerce  and  manufacture 
connected  with  the  Indian  trade  but  the  home  of  many  men  well  culti 
vated  in  the  learning  of  the  day,  especially  in  its  theological  departments. 

William  Henry  possessed  in  full  measure  the  perfervid  imagination  of  his 
face,  and  at  early  age  turned  his  thoughts  upon  those  great  religious  ques 
tions  which  are  so  seldom  solved  by  ratiocination.  He  tells  the  story  of 
•his  spiritual  experiences  at  length  in  his  memoir,  but  it  is  enough  to  say 
that  he  did  not  find  the  peace  he  sought,  till  middle  life,  when  in  1763 
he  and  his  wife  joined  themselves  to  the  Moravians,  then  known  only  as 
the  Church  of  the  United  Brethren. 

His  work  in  worldly  matters  prospered,  however,  for  like  many  of  his 
race  he  was  prudent  in  action,  though  speculative  in  thought.  He  became 
early  the  head  of  a  large  establishment  for  the  manufacture  of  arms  and 
equipments  for  the  Indian  trade.  In  1754  he  was  appointed  armorer  for 
the  troops  collecting  in  Virginia  for  Braddock's  expedition,  and  in  1757 
he  was,  with  apparent  reluctance,  called  again  to  go  to  Virginia  as  "  gun 
contractor  for  the  whole  army." 

From  this  time  forward  he  was  much  engaged  in  public  affairs,  especially 
in  those  which  related  to  the  Indian  tribes.  Possessing  the  confidence  both 
of  the  whites  and  the  Indians,  he  was  able  to  render  essential  service  in  the 


Memoir.  v. 

settlement  of  many  of  the  questions  which  arose  between  the  races.  The 
Delaware  hero,  Koquethagachron  or  White  Eyes,  and  his  successor  Gelele- 
mend  or  Leader  called  Killbuck  by  the  whites,  were  among  his  friends. 

Between  him  and  the  latter  the  tie  of  friendship  was  so  strong  that  in 
1784,  after  the  Delaware  custom,  they  agreed  to  exchange  names.  Gelele- 
mend,  a  few  years  later,  was  baptized  by  the  Moravians  as  William  Henry 
and  his  descendants  in  Fairfield,  Canada,  still  bear  the  name  and  claim 
kinship  with  the  posterity  of  their  ancestor's  friend. 

When  the  disputes  between  the  colonies  and  the  crown  grew  serious, 
William  Henry,  though  a  magistrate  under  the  proprietary  government, 
gave  his  support  with  characteristic  ardor  to  the  cause  of  the  patriots.  His 
activity  and  vigor  were  conspicuous  during  the  war  of  the  revolution.  His 
factory  was  busy  in  the  making  of  arms  and  he  himself  as  deputy 
commissary  general,  exercised  freely  the  almost  unlimited  authority 
given  him  by  Washington,  in  the  matter  of  raising  supplies  for  the 
army.  After  the  termination  of  the  war  he  was  called  to  fill  a  number  of 
posts  of  honor  and  responsibility.  It  will  seem  strange  to  us,  when  the 
holding  of  a  plurality  of  offices  is  deemed  an  abuse,  that  at  the  time  of  his 
death  in  1786,  he  was  a  judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  a  member 
of  the  general  congress,  and  the  treasurer  of  Lancaster  county  j  and  what 
may  seem  stranger  still  his  wife,  Anne  Henry,  succeeded  him  in  the  last 
office  and  continued  to  fill  it  with  entire  acceptation  for  many  years  and 
nearly  up  to  the  time  of  her  own  decease. 

John  Joseph  Henry  grew  up  in  troublous  times.  In  early  childhood  he 
and  his  elder  brother  William  Henry,  the  younger,  were  witnesses  of  the 
Paxtang  massacre.  His  own  recollection  was  only  of  the  hurrying  and 
shouts  of  men,  the  firing  of  guns  and  the  retreat  at  a  gallop  of  those  who 
had  slain  the  helpless  prisoners.  His  brother,  two  years  his  senior,  was 
able,  however,  in  later  years  to  give  a  vivid  account  of  the  slaughter  (Hecke- 
welder'sNarrati've^  p. 7 8).  Strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  bring  the  murderers 
to  trial  by  William  Henry  and  others,  but  the  state  of  feeling  on  what  was 
then  the  frontier,  was  such  that  no  success  followed  their  efforts.  Even 
the  detachment  of  Highlanders  quartered  in  the  town  at  the  time  would  do 
nothing  to  stay  the  carnage  or  arrest  the  perpetrators  of  it. 

Judge  Henry  was  accustomed  to  say,  late  in  life,  that  he  had  watched  the 
careers  of  all  of  those  lawless  men  who  had  murdered  the  Conestogas,  and 
that  the  retribution  which  man  denied  had  been  awarded  by  Providence, 
for  that  nearly  all  of  them  died  violent  deaths.  Tradition  tells  that  the 


vi.  Memoir. 

last  of  them  broke  his  neck  by  falling  from  a   loaded  wagon  near   his  own 
house. 

As  young  Henry  grew  towards  manhood  the  mutterings  of  the  revolution 
ary  storm  were  in  the  air.  He  drank  in  the  passions  of  the  time  with 
eager  spirit  and  with  parental  precept  and  example  to  justify  him,  gave  up 
his  whole  heart  to  the  strife.  He  had  been  sent  in  1772,,  with  his  uncle 
John  Henry,  who  was  a  gunsmith  and  Indian  trader,  to  the  remote  frontier 
post  "of  Detroit.  Returning  the  next  year  on  foot  with  a  single  guide,  who 
died  in  the  wilderness,  he  found  his  way  after  much  suffering  to  the  house 
of  his  relative  General  John  Gibson,  who  dwelt  at  Logstown  on  the  Ohio. 
He  was  kindly  received  by  General  Gibson  and  when  restored  to  health 
was  sent  forward  by  him  to  his  home  in  Lancaster. 

General  Gibson  was  himself  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  frontier.  He 
it  was  to  whom  the  Mengwe  chief,  Logan,  addressed  the  speech  which  Jeffer 
son,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia^  has  made  immortal.  He  was  a  brother 
of  Colonel  George  Gibson,  who  was  mortally  wounded  at  St.  Glair's  de 
feat.  Col.  Gibson  was  the  father  of  the  late  Hon.  John  Bannister  Gibson, 
chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  Gibsons  were  all  men  of  force  of  character  combined  with  a  gay 
humor.  The  story  is  told  of  Colonel  Gibson  that  a  couple  of  days  after 
the  defeat,  whilst  the  army  was  still  in  great  peril,  as  he  lay  in  his  rough 
shelter  in  the  forest,  his  nephew,  Lieutenant  Slough  of  Lancaster,  who  had 
been  slightly  wounded  in  the  arm,  but  had  lent  his  blanket  to  his  uncle,  came 
to  demand  its  return,  saying  that  he  had  leave  to  go  home  to  see  his  father 
and  mother.  The  dying  man  turned  to  him  with  a  smile  and  said  "  take 
it  Jake,  and  go  home  and  honor  your  father  and  mother  that  your  days 
may  be  long  in  the  land." 

William  Henry  had  designed  that  his  sons  William  and  John  Joseph 
should  follow  his  own  avocation.  The  former  acceded  to  his  father's  wishes 
and  was  the  second  in  a  line  of  prosperous  makers  of  arms  extending  to  the 
present  day.  But  when  the  command  was  laid  on  the  younger  son  to 
enter  the  factory  he  so  far  disobeyed  it  as  to  incur  the  serious  displeasure  of 
his  father.  Not  long  after  the  question  between  them  was  settled  by  the 
outbreak  of  the  war.  In  1774  the  quarrel  between  the  colonies  and  Eng 
land  was  probably  past  cure.  Both  sides  were  making  ready  for  the  conflict. 
In  southern  Pennsylvania  the  dour  frontiersmen  might  differ  as  to  the 
murder  of  Indian  prisoners  but  they  were  of  one  mind  as  to  fighting  the 
British.  They  or  their  ancestors  had  fled  across  the  ocean  from  the  tyran- 


Memoir.  vii. 

nical  land  and  church  laws  of  England  and  they  would  resist  to  the  death 
a  new  oppression  in  America. 

In  the  spring  of  1775  two  companies  of  riflemen  were  enlisted  at  the 
first  tap  of  the  drum  for  the  army  before  Boston  —  one  from  the  county 
of  Cumberland  under  Captain  William  Hendricks,  the  other  from  Lancaster 
county  under  Captain  Matthew  Smith.  Young  Henry,  by  this  time  a  tall 
and  hardy  youth,  well  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  rifle  and  the  ways  of  the 
forest,  joined  the  latter  without  the  knowledge  of  his  father.  His  good 
mother,  however,  whose  patriotism  may  have  been  a  shade  less  prudent 
than  that  of  her  husband,  was  made  the  confidante  of  his  intention  and 
gave  her  consent  to  an  act  which  was  but  the  natural  corollary  of  her 
own  teaching.  She  made  with  her  own  hands  in  secret  his  rifleman's 
uniform,  if  such  it  could  be  called,  consisting  as  he  himself  tells  of  leggings, 
moccasins  and  a  deep  ash  colored  hunting  shirt. 

When  the  day  of  departure  came  and  the  company  was  drawn  up  for 
inspection  before  starting,  his  father  passed  along  the  line  but  did  not  recog 
nize  his  own  son  in  the  tall  rifleman  on  its  right. 

The  story  of  the  campaign  so  well  told  by  himself  needs  not  to  be  re 
hearsed  here.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  he  came  home  in  the  fall  of  1776, 
apparently  in  health  but  with  the  seeds  of  disease  deeply  planted  in  his 
constitution.  In  a  few  weeks  after  this,  he  tells  us,  "  a  slight  cold  caught 
while  skating  on  the  Susquehannah  or  hunting  the  wild  turkey  among  the 
Kittatinny  mountains,  put  an  end  to  all  his  visionary  schemes  of  ambition." 
The  scurvy,  from  which  he  suffered  in  the  prison  at  Quebec,  attacked  with 
terrible  force  the  knee  which  had  been  injured  at  the  assault.  The  joint 
became  the  seat  of  violent  inflammation,  disease  of  the  bone  followed  and 
when  two  years  afterwards  he  left  his  couch  it  was  only  to  walk  with  a 
crutch  through  life.  Some  good,  however,  came  out  of  So  much  evil.  The 
house  of  William  Henry  had  long  been  the  resort  of  the  educated  men  of 
the  Lancaster  community  and  of  such  strangers  as  visited  the  place.  Dur 
ing  the  revolution  the  leading  men  of  the  day  found  quarters  there.  Franklin, 
Rittenhouse,  Paine  and  others  were  among  his  guests.  (Marshall's  Diary 
passim.)  The  Juliana  library  founded  in  1750,  so  called  from  Lady  Juliana 
Penn,  wife  of  Thomas  Penn  and  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Pomfret,  was  kept 
there.  Constant  access  to  books  with  abundant  leisure  to  read  them  and 
the  society  of  the  foremost  men  of  the  time  made  up  for  a  somewhat  de 
sultory  early  training  and  probably  determined  his  ultimate  choice  of  the 
law  as  his  profession. 


viii.  Memoir. 

The  memoir  of  his  life  by  his  daughter,  the  mother  of  the  present  writer, 
tells  us  all  that  is  known  of  him  till  he  came  to  the  bar.  His  preceptor, 
Colonel  Stephen  Chambers,  whose  youngest  sister  he  afterwards  married, 
was  an  Irishman  by  birth.  He  had  come  to  Pennsylvania  with  his  father, 
mother  and  sisters  in  the  great  Scotch-Irish  immigration  of  1772,  and  1773- 
The  father  being  a  man  of  property  had  educated  his  son  at  Trinity  college, 
Dublin,  intending  him  for  the  bar.  He  had  the  misfortune,  however,  at 
an  early  age  to  kill  his  antagonist  in  a  duel,  whereupon  the  whole  family 
came  to  America.  He  also  entered  the  army  and  did  good  service  for 
some  years  but  resigned  his  commission  and  came  to  the  bar  of  Lancaster 
county  in  1780  where  he  attained  a  large  practice.  He  was  a  delegate  to 
the  Pennsylvania  convention  which  ratified  the  federal  constitution.  He 
fell  in  a  duel  with  Dr.  Reger  in  1789. 

Mr.  Henry,  after  several  years  of  assiduous  study,  was  admitted  to  practice 
in  1785.  He  too  was  soon  largely  employed.  But  the  conditions  of  suc 
cess  in  the  law  at  that  time,  were  very  different  from  those  which  com 
mand  it  now.  Beyond  the  statutes  of  the  states  there  were  practically 
no  books  on  the  law  written  or  printed  in  America,  no  text-books, 
no  digests,  no  reports.  The  first  volume  of  Dallas'*  Reports  was  pub 
lished  in  1790,  the  second  in  1798,  and  the  third  in  1799.  With 
these  exceptions  no  regular  series  of  reports  had  been  published  in 
America  up  to  the  year  1800.  The  entire  vast  array  of  American  reports, 
both  state  and  federal,  has  come  into  existence  since  that  day.  The  lawyers 
of  that  time  were  thrown  for  aid  wholly  on  English  resources,  and  English 
law  books  exclusively  composed  their  modest  libraries.  It  is  perhaps  a 
fortunate  thing  for  the  jurisprudence  of  the  country  that  such  was  the  case. 
Where  all  sound  learning  in  the  law  was  drawn  from  one  source,  it  was 
but  natural  that  the  several  jurisprudences  established  on  that  basis  should 
have  a  substantial  uniformity  though  the  peculiar  political  institutions  of 
the  country  might  seem  to  disfavor  such  a  result.  Many  men  of  great 
ability  and  profound  learning  were  trained  in  this  early  school.  They 
sought  their  knowledge  at  the  very  fountain  heads  of  the  law  and  grew 
strong  in  the  mastery  of  its  principles  by  tracing  them  to  their  foundation. 
Among  these  George  and  James  Ross,  Duncan,  Charles  Hall,  Yeates, 
Watts  and  Charles  Smith  were  among  the  associates  and  friends  of  Judge 
Henry. 

In  1793  Mr.  Henry  was  appointed  by  Governor  Mifflin,  the  president  of 
the  second  judicial  district  of  Pennsylvania.      His  commission,  bearing  date 


Memoir.  ix. 

the  l8th  day  of  December,  1793,  appoints  him  "President  of  the  Several 
Courts  of  Common  Pleas  in  the  Circuit  consisting  of  the  Counties  of 
Chester,  Lancaster,  York  and  Dauphin,"  a  vast  territory  whose  features  were 
fertile  valleys  and  rugged  hills  with  the  hard  wood  forests  every  where  pre 
dominant. 

Of  his  work  as  a  judge  but  little  remains.  It  may  be  said  of  him,  as  has 
been  said  of  his  kinsman  and  youthful  friend,  the  late  Chief  Justice  Gibson, 
who  at  one  time  presided  over  another  Pennsylvanian  circuit,  that  so  far  as 
his  work  in  that  circuit  was  concerned  *'  he  has  left  no  monument  of  his 
labors.  Like  the  fruits  of  much  of  the  best  ability  of  the  state,  displayed 
in  the  same  sphere,  they  perished  on  the  spot  without  a  record  to  perpetu 
ate  their  worth."  (Essay  on  the  Life  and  Writings  of  John  B.  Gibson, 
LL.D.,  by  William  A.  Porter.)  The  words  of  Judge  Porter  have  a  sad 
aptitude  to  many  cases. 

The  only  case  tried  by  Judge  Henry,  which  is  known  to  have  been  fully 
reported, is  that  of  the  Commonwealth  vs.  Hauer,  et  als.,  2,  Chandlers  Criminal 
Trials,  353.  The  case  in  Chandler  is  but  a  feeble  abridgment  of  a  remark 
able  pamphlet  printed  at  Harrisburg  in  1798,  giving  a  full  account  of  the 
trials  of  the  seven  persons  charged  with  complicity  in  the  murder.  It  has 
been  said  that  "  few  events  ever  caused  more  excitement  and  alarm  amongst 
the  German  population  than  the  murder  of  Francis  Shitz  in  1797.  The 
trials  of  the  parties  implicated  in  this  singular  transaction  are  interesting  as 
exhibiting  the  low  state  of  public  morals  at  that  day  in  the  interior  of  the 
state,  especially  amongst  the  foreign  population,  and  also  as  involving  some 
legal  points  of  great  importance  in  criminal  law."  (Prefatory  note  to  the 
.Report  in  Chandler.) 

The  counsel  on  both  sides  were  of  great  ability  and  the  many  questions 
of  law  and  of  fact  were  argued  with  much  learning  and  fullness.  The 
rulings  of  Judge  Henry  throughout  the  case  were  briefly  and  clearly  made, 
and  his  charge  to  the  jury  correctly  stated  the  principles  of  the  law  applica 
ble  to  it. 

Two  of  the  prisoners  were  found  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree  and 
expiated  their  crime  upon  the  gallows. 

The  pamphlet  report,  by  an  anonymous  author,  is  a  model  of  completeness. 
It  gives  a  statement  of  the  case,  the  pleadings,  the  evidence  in  full,  the 
motions  made  at  the  several  stages  of  the  very  complex  proceedings,  the 
rulings  of  the  court  on  the  points  raised,  the  arguments  of  the  counsel  and 
the  charge  of  the  judge.  It  is  a  conscientious  history  by  a  fully  competent 


x.  Memoir. 

hand  of  a  celebrated  case,  from  the  perusal  of  which  a  lawyer  may  derive 
greater  profit  than  by  reading  volumes  of  such  reports  as  slip-shod  indolence 
too  often  imposes  on  the  profession. 

About  the  year  1804,  the  constitution  of  Judge  Henry,  so  severely  tried 
in  youth,  began  to  give  way  under  repeated  attacks  of  the  gout,  which  in  a 
letter  written  to  his  brother  William  in  1807,  he  speaks  of  as  an  inherit 
ance  from  his  mother.  That  it  is  transmissible  by  descent  many  others 
have  grievous  reason  to  testify. 

In  succeeding  years  the  severity  of  his  attacks  increased  so  greatly  that 
he  was  unable  longer  to  fill  the  arduous  duties  of  his  office.  He  therefore, 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1810,  tendered  his  resignation  to  the  governor 
of  the  state.  Four  months  later,  on  the  I5th  April,  i8n,he  rested  finally 
from  his  labors.  His  remains  lie  in  the  burial  ground  of  the  Moravian 
church  at  Lancaster. 

Judge  Henry  was  a  man  of  great  stature  and  strength,  and  of  grave  and 
leonine  aspect — yet  he  was  of  jovial  temper  and  quick  and  warm  sensibilities. 
His  religious  faith  was  cast  in  the  antique  mold  which  would  not  admit  of 
a  doubt  and  somewhat  scorned  the  doubter.  By  the  testimony  of  all  who 
knew  him  he  was  a  brave,  just  and  honorable  gentleman. 

The  Campaign  against  Quebec  was  dictated  to  his  daughter,  Anne  Mary, 
the  mother  of  the  writer,  with  the  aid  of  casual  notes  and  memoranda  from 
his  bed  of  sickness  in  his  latest  years.  The  manuscript  received  no  revision 
at  his  hands,  for  he  was  called  away  very  shortly  after  its  last  pages  were 
written.  His  widow  gave  it  to  the  press  in  1812,  and  it  was  printed  with 
out  even  the  correction  of  verbal  and  typographical  errors. 

He  left  two  sons,  Dr.  Stephen  Chambers  Henry,  late  of  Detroit,  and 
Dr.  Julien  Henry  of  St.  Louis,  also  deceased,  and  several  daughters,  one 
only  of  whom,  Anne  Mary,  the  wife  of  the  late  Honorable  Thomas  Smith, 
of  Delaware  county,  has  left  issue. 

A  portrait  of  Judge  Henry  in  the  stately  dress  of  a  gentleman  of  the  old 
time,  from  the  hand  of  his  youngest  brother,  Benjamin  West  Henry,  a 
pupil  of  Gilbert  Stuart,  represents  him  as  a  man  of  massive  features,  broad 
shoulders  and  grave  yet  kindly  expression,  and  is  in  full  harmony  with  what 
is  remembered  of  him. 

AUBREY  H.  SMITH. 

Philadelphia,  May  Z5th,  1877. 


LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 


WRITTEN    BY    HIS    DAUGHTER. 


There  is  an  observation  trite,  true,  and  universally  admitted,  that  the 
lives  of  those  who  have  not  embraced  a  wide  sphere  of  action,  are  un 
interesting  and  perfectly  devoid  of  any  incitements  to  attention.  Biogra 
phies  of  warriors  and  statesmen  are  perused  with  avidity  ;  but  it  is  not 
merely  their  own  history,  but  that  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived,  at 
least  partially  so.  But  descending  to  the  quieter  walks  of  life,  when  we 
trace  the  history  of  a  good  and  unfortunate  man,  through  all  the  varied 
evolutions  that  peculiarly  mark  his  fate,  and  prevent  him  from  being  en 
rolled  in  the  list  of  those  beings  who  have  found  the  path  divested  of  thorns, 
it  is,  to  some,  still  interesting ;  and  although  the  incidents  are  not  of  a 
nature  to  excite  wonder  or  astonishment,  they  may  still  possess  the  power 
to  call  forth  the  sympathy  of  minds  of  feeling  —  minds  that  have  been 
taught  to  feel  another's  woe. 

John  Joseph  Henry,  the  author  of  the  following  pages,  was  born  Novem 
ber  4th,  1758,  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania.  His  father,  William  Henry, 
was  a  man  whose  memory  is  still  revered  by  those  who  possessed  any  know 
ledge  of  him,  his  strict  honesty  and  known  probity  rendering  it  sacred  to 
such  as  claimed  him  as  their  friend.  He  was  possessed  of  a  mechanical 
genius  in  a  strong  degree.  He  it  was  who  invented  the  well  known 
screw-auger. 

Warmly  addicted  to  this  his  favorite  passion,  he  wished  to  instil  into 
the  minds  of  his  children,  a  taste  for  mechanics.  With  some  of  them  he 
succeeded.  As  soon  as  his  son  John  Joseph  had  attained  the  age  of  fourteen, 
he  bound  him  an  apprentice  to  an  uncle,  who  was  a  gunsmith,  then  a 
resident  at  Lancaster,  but  after  sometime  removed  to  Detroit,  taking  his 
nephew  with  him.  At  that  place,  his  stay  was  but  short,  on  account  of 
scarcity  of  business.  He  returned  on  foot  with  a  single  guide,  who  died  in 
the  wilderness  which  lay  between  Detroit  and  his  home.  It  was  here  that 
hardships  and  misfortune  first  were  felt,  his  future  companions  during  a 


xii.  Memoir. 

length  of  years  devoted  to  God  and  his  country.  Young  Henry  returned 
to  his  parents  and  home,  dissatisfied  with  the  employment  a  judicious  father 
had  pointed  out  for  him,  as  the  means  by  which  he  wished  him  to  gain  a 
future  subsistence.  His  ardent  mind  panted  after  military  glory.  The 
troubles  of  his  country,  which  was  then  making  vigorous,  and  ultimately 
successful  struggles  for  a  total  emancipation  from  slavery,  wrought  strongly 
upon  one,  the  acme  of  whose  hopes  and  wishes  was,  to  be  one  of  those 
who  contended  most  for  freedom.  In  the  fall  of  1775,  he  clandestinely 
joined  a  regiment  of  men  raised  in  Lancaster  county,  for  the  purpose  of 
joining  Arnold,  who  at  that  time  was  stationed  at  Boston.  His  father 
was  commissary  to  the  troops,  which  office  obliged  him  to' attend  them  to 
Reading.  It  was  at  this  time,  under  circumstances  which  rendered  him 
most  liable  to  detection  from  his  parent,  he  left  his  home  to  wander,  at 
the  age  of  sixteen,  in  a  strange  land.  Thus  a  thirst  for  glory  inflamed  his 
youthful  breast,  and  superseded  every  other  passion  and  affection  of  his 
heart.  After  enduring  all  the  fatigues  of  a  veteran  soldier,  they  entered 
Canada  on  his  birthday  —  an  eventful  one  to  him.  He  endured  hard 
ships  here,  which,  in  his  own  simple  style,  he  fully  enumerates.  It  was 
in  prison,  where  he  lay  for  nine  months,  that  he  contracted  a  disease  (the 
scurvy),  which  at  that  time  did  not  make  its  appearance,  but  six  weeks 
afterwards,  on  his  return  home,  at  a  time  when  least  expected,  it  made  its 
appearance  under  its  most  malignant  form.  It  was  at  a  time  when  it 
became  a  duty  incumbent  on  him  to  continue  in  the  army.  A  captaincy 
had  been  procured  for  him  in  the  Virginia  line,  and  a  lieutenancy  in  that 
of  Pennsylvania.  He  had  designed  to  accept  of  the  command  under  the 
hero  Morgan,  which  was  that  of  captain,  but  the  disposer  of  all  events 
arrested  his  career,  and  instead  of  his  fond  expectations  being  accomplished, 
all  his  hopes  were  blasted,  his  high  prospects  faded,  and  became  a  dreary 
void,  by  the  order  of  that  Omnipotence,  who  furnished  him  with  that 
fortitude  which  enabled  him,  through  all  his  misery,  to  kiss  the  rod  that 
chastised  him.  It  was  after  two  years'  continuance  on  the  couch  of  sick 
ness,  his  leg,  which  was  the  unfortunate  cause  of  all  his  illness,  began  to 
heal,  and  renovated  health  to  give  hopes  that  peace  yet  remained  for  him. 
As  his  lameness  precluded  all  possibility  of  his  again  entering  the  armyj 
as  he  had,  by  a  disregard  of  parental  authority,  at  least  so  far  as  concerned 
his  trade,  forfeited  his  claim  to  his  father's  exertions  to  place  him  in  such 
a  situation  as  would  make  him  capable  of  rendering  himself  useful  to 
society,  a  vigorous  effort  on  his  part  was  necessary ;  resolution  was  not 


Memoir.  xiii. 

wanting ;  it  was  made.  He  bound  himself  as  an  apprentice  to  John 
Hubley,  Esq.,  prothonotary  of  the  county  of  Lancaster,  as  a  clerk  in  the 
office.  Here  for  four  years  he  pursued  his  business  with  the  closest  appli 
cation,  and  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  with  unabated  care  and  strict 
ness  ;  and  when  the  labors  of  the  day  were  over,  his  nights  were  consumed 
in  study,  endeavoring  to  compensate  himself,  in  some  measure,  for  the 
neglect  that  his  education  had  suffered  by  his  becoming  a  soldier.  His 
frame,  still  somewhat  debilitated  by  his  illness,  was  not  capable  of  sustain 
ing  the  fatigues  of  office ;  his  health  suffered  much  from  labor  so  severe 
and  application  so  intense.  The  time  of  his  indentures  being  expired,  he 
commenced  the  study  of  law,  under  Stephen  Chambers,  Esq.  Here  he 
became  acquainted  with  his  future  companion  in  life,  the  youngest  sister  of 
Mr.  Chambers.  He  practised  law  from  the  year  1785,  until  December, 
1793.  As  his  law  knowledge  was  known  to  be  extensive,  his  abilities  and 
talents  met  their  due  reward,  with  an  appointment,  by  his  excellency 
Thomas  Mifflin,  governor,  to  the  office  of  president  of  the  second  judicial 
district  of  Pennsylvania. 

A  number  of  years  had  now  elapsed,  his  family  was  large  ;  by  an  unfor 
tunate  removal  to  a  country,  at  that  period  sickly,  he  was  attacked  by  the 
gout,  which  from  inexperience,  and  owing  to  his  having  no  knowledge  as 
to  the  consequences  that  would  necessarily  ensue,  did  not  take  proper  pre 
cautions,  so  as  to  render  it  a  regular  disease.  Under  that  deceptious  name, 
numerous  disorders  invaded  his  frame,  and  at  times  with  so  much  severity, 
that  he  was  necessitated  to  continue  at  home,  which  prevented  him  from 
executing  his  official  duties  as  a  judge.  It  was  during  seven  long  years  of 
bodily  suffering,  that  his  mind  and  memory  reverted  to  those  scenes  more 
forcibly  than  ever,  which  formed  so  eventful  a  period  in  a  life  of  misfortune 
and  vicissitude.  The  interesting  narrative  of  the  sufferings  of  that  band 
of  heroes,  of  which  he  was  the  youngest,  is  a  simple  tale  of  truth,  which  he 
undeviatingly  throughout  his  book  adheres  to. 

He  is  supported  in  all  his  assertions,  by  the  testimony  of  a  number  of  his 
companions  in  that  arduous  campaign,  men  of  character  and  respectability. 
His  relation  of  incidents,  his  descriptive  accounts  of  the  country  they  passed 
through,  the  situation  of  Quebec,  and  the  disposition  of  the  army,  all  mark 
him  to  have  been  a  youth  of  accurate  observation,  of  a  comprehensive  and 
intelligent  mind.  Possessing,  as  he  must  necessarily  have  done,  activity  of 
spirit  and  contempt  of  fatigue,  he  gained  the  approbation  and  esteem  of  his 
seniors.  The  buoyant  spirits  of  youth  rose  high  over  misfortune;  unde 


xiv.  Memoir. 

the  pressure  of  the  severest  distress,   vivacity  was  still   retained,  and    burst 
forth  at  intervals  to  cheer  his  hopeless  companions. 

Disease  had  now  made  rapid  progress  on  a  constitution  weakened  by 
repeated  attacks,  and  accumulation  of  disorders,  which  no  skill  could 
counteract  or  remedy.  The  nonperformance  of  his  duties  caused  petitions 
from  the  several  counties  to  be  presented  to  the  legislature,  for  his  removal  j 
nothing  was  alleged  against  him  but  absence.  That  honorable  house, 
having  examined  and  considered  the  charges,  acquitted  him  with  honor. 
His  commission  he  retained  for  the  space  of  two  years  afterwards  ;  but  ill 
ness  and  debility  increasing,  and  a  knowledge  of  his  infirmities  being  in 
curable,  compelled  him  to  resign  that  office,  which  he  had  held  with 
integrity,  for  seventeen  years.  Four  months  succeeding,  his  worn  out  frame 
was  destined  to  feel  the  stroke  of  death,  and  his  freed  soul  to  seek  refuge 
in  the  bosom  of  his  Father  and  his  God.  He  died  at  Lancaster,  April 
1811,  aged  53. 


ARNOLD'S  CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  QUEBEC 


PRELIMINARY',  /A,J,J5'  i.»'K 
When  the  bold  enterprise  of  invading  Canada  by  the 
way  of  the  Kennebec  river  and  the  uninhabited  wilder 
ness  of  Maine  had  been  determined  upon  by  Washington, 
in  the  autumn  of  1775,  he  wrote  to  congress  as  follows, 
on  the  2ist  September,  from  Cambridge,  Mass.,  where 
the  American  army  was  encamped  : 

I  am  now  to  inform  the  honorable  congress  that,  encouraged  by  the 
repeated  declarations  of  the  Canadians  and  Indians,  and  urged  by  their 
requests,  I  have  detached  Col.  Arnold,  with  one  thousand  men,  to  penetrate 
into  Canada  by  way  of  Kennebec  river,  and,  if  possible,  to  make  himself 
master  of  Quebec.  By  this  manoeuvre  I  proposed  either  to  divert  Carleton 
from  St.  John's,  which  would  leave  a  free  passage  to  General  Schuyler,  or, 
if  this  did  not  take  effect,  Quebec,  in  its  present  defenceless  state,  must  fall 
into  his  hands  an  easy  prey.  I  made  all  possible  inquiry  as  to  the  distance, 
the  safety  of  the  route,  and  the  danger  of  the  season  being  too  far  advanced, 
but  found  nothing  in  either  to  deter  me  from  proceeding,  more  especially  as 
it  met  with  very  general  approbation  from  all  whom  I  consulted  upon  it. 
But  that  nothing  might  be  omitted  to  enable  me  to  judge  of  its  propriety 
and  probable  consequences,  I  communicated  it,  by  express,  to  General 
Schuyler,  who  approved  of  it  in  such  terms  that  I  resolved  to  put  it  in 
immediate  execution.  They  have  now  left  this  place  seven  days,  and,  if 
favored  with  a  good  wind,  I  hope  soon  to  hear  of  their  being  safe  in 
Kennebec  river. 

A  copy  of  his  plan  of  the  proposed  route  was  sent  to 
congress,  in  the  following  words  : 

Route  to  QUEBEC,  from  KENNEBEC  RIVER. 

From  the  mouth*  of  Kennebec  river  to  Quebec,  on  a  straight  line,  is 
two  hundred  and  ten  miles.  The  river  is  navigable  for  sloops  about  thirty- 
eight  miles,  and  for  flat-bottomed  boats  about  twenty-two  ^niles  j  then  you 
meet  Taconick  falls,  and  from  Taconick  falls  to  Norridgewock,  as  the 
river  runs,  thirty-one  miles  ;  from  thence  to  the  first  carrying  place,  about 
thirty  miles ;  carrying  place  four  miles,  then  a  pond  to  cross,  and  another 
carrying  place,  about  two  miles  to  another  pond  ;  then  a  carrying  place 
about  three  or  four  miles  to  another  pond  j  then  a  carrying  place  to  the 
western  branch  of  Kennebec  river,  called  the  Dead  river;  then  up  that 

1 


2,  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

river,  as  it  runs,  thirty  miles,  some  small  falls  and  short  carrying  places 
around  them  intervening;  then  you  come  to  the  height  of  the  land,  and 
about  six  miles  carrying  place,  into  a  branch  which  leads  into  Ammeguntick 
pond,  the  head  of  Chaudiere  river,  which  falls  into  the  St.  Lawrence 
river  about  four  miles  above  Quebec. 

From  the  American  Archives  of  PETER  FORCE,  Wash 
ington's  Irotru'otions  to  Arnold  are  given,  intrusting  him 
with-  the  command- of  the  forces  detached  from  the  main 
army  for^tbe  expedition,  and  the  course  he  was  to  pursue 
in  the  execution  of  his  important  mission. 

To  Colonel  BENEDICT  ARNOLD,  Commander  of  the  Detachment  of  the  Continental 
Army  destined  against  QUEBEC  : 

SIR:  You  are  intrusted  with  a  command  of  the  utmost  consequence  to 
the  interest  and  liberties  of  America  5  upon  your  conduct  and  courage,  and 
that  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  detached  on  this  expedition,  not  only  the 
success  of  the  present  enterprise,  and  your  own  honor,  but  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  the  whole  continent,  may  depend.  I  charge  you,  therefore,  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  under  your  command,  as  you  value  your  own  safety 
and  honor,  and  the  favor  and  esteem  of  your  country,  that  you  consider 
yourselves  as  marching,  not  through  an  enemy's  country,  but  that  of  our 
friends  and  brethren  —  for  such  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  and  the  Indian 
Nations  have  approved  themselves  in  this  unhappy  contest  between  Great 
Britain  and  America  ;  that  you  check,  by  every  motive  of  duty  and  fear 
of  punishment,  every  attempt  to  plunder  or  insult  any  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Canada.  Should  any  American  soldier  be  so  base  and  infamous  as  to  injure 
any  Canadian  or  Indian,  in  his  person  or  property,  I  do  most  earnestly 
enjoin  you  to  bring  him  to  such  severe  and  exemplary  punishment  as  the 
enormity  of  the  crime  may  require  5  should  it  extend  to  death  itself,  it  will 
not  be  disproportioned  to  its  guilt  at  such  a  time  and  in  such  a  cause. 
But  I  hope  and  trust  that  the  brave  men  who  have  voluntarily  engaged  in 
this  expedition  will  be  governed  by  different  views  ;  that  order,  discipline, 
and  regularity  of  behavior,  will  be  as  conspicuous  as  their  courage  and 
valor.  I  also  give  it  in  charge  to  you  to  avoid  all  disrespect  or  contempt 
of  the  religion  of  the  country;  and  if  common  prudence,  policy,  and  a  true 
Christian  spirit,  will  lead  us  to  look  with  compassion  upon  their  errors, 
without  insulting  them,  while  we  are  contending  for  our  own  liberty,  we 
should  be  very  cautious  of  violating  the  rules  of  conscience  in  others,  ever 
considering  that  God  alone  is  the  judge  of  the  heart  of  man,  and  to  him 
only  in  this  case  they  are  answerable. 

Upon  the  whole,  Sir,  I  beg  you  to  inculcate  upon  the  officers  and  soldiers 
the  necessity  of  preserving  the  strictest  order  during  their  march  through 
Canada  ;  to  represent  to  them  the  shame,  disgrace,  and  ruin,  to  themselves 
and  country,  if  they  should,  by  their  conduct,  turn  the  heart  of  our  brethren 
in  Canada  against  us  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  honors  and  rewards 
which  await  them,  if,  by  their  prudence  and  good  behavior,  they  conciliate 
the  affections  of  the  Canadians  and  Indians  to  the  great  interests  of  America, 


Campaign  against  ghiebec,  1775.  j 

and  convert  those  favorable  dispositions  they  have  shown  into  a  lasting  union 
and  affection. 

Thus  wishing  you,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  your  command, 
honor,  safety,  and  success,  I  remain,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 
To  Colonel  BENEDICT  ARNOLD  : 

1.  You    are  immediately  on  their  march   from   Cambridge  to  take  the 
command  of  the  detachment   from  the  Continental  Army  against    Quebec, 
and  use  all  possible  expedition,  as  the  winter  season  is  now  advancing,  and 
the  success  of  this  enterprise  (under  God)  depends  wholly  upon  the  spirit 
with  which  it  is  pushed,  and  the  favorable  disposition  of  the  Canadians  and 
Indians. 

2.  When  you  come  to  Newburyport.  you  are  to  make  all  possible  inquiry 
what  men  of  war  or  cruisers  there  may  be  on  the  coast,  to  which    this  de 
tachment  may  be   exposed  on   their   voyage  to  Kennebec  river  j   and  if  you 
shall  find  that  there  is  danger  of  being  intercepted,  you  are  not  to  proceed 
by  water,  but  by  land,  taking  care  on  the  one  hand  not  to  be  diverted  by 
light  and  vague,  reports,  and  on  the  other  not  to  expose  the  troops  rashly  to 
a  danger  which  by  many  judicious  persons  has  been  deemed  very  considerable. 

3.  You  are    by  every  means  in  your  power  to  endeavor   to  discover  the 
real  sentiments  of  the  Canadians  towards  our  cause,  and  particularly  as  to 
this    expedition  ;  ever   bearing  in    mind  that  if  they  are  averse  to  it,   and 
will  not   cooperate,   or  at  least   willingly  acquiesce,    it  must    fail  of  success. 
In  this  case  you  are  by  no  means  to  prosecute  the  attempt.      The  expense 
of  the  expedition  and  the  disappointment  are  not  to  be  put  in  competition 
with  the  dangerous  consequences  which   may  ensue  from   irritating  them 
against   us,   and   detaching   them    from    that   neutrality  which   they  have 
adopted. 

4.  In  order  to  cherish  those  favorable  sentiments  to  the  American  cause 
that  they  have  manifested,   you  are  as  soon   as  you  arrive  in  their  country 
to  disperse  a  number  of  the  addresses  you  will  have  with  you,  particularly  in 
those  parts  where  your  route  shall  lie,  and  observe  the  strictest  discipline  and 
good  order,  by  no  means  suffering  any  inhabitant  to  be  abused,  or  in  any 
manner  injured,  either  in  his  person  or  property  ;   punishing  with  exemplary 
severity  every  person  who  shall  transgress,  and  making  ample  compensation 
to  the  party  injured. 

5.  You  are  to  endeavor,  on  the  other  hand,  to  conciliate  the  affections 
of  those  people,  and  such  Indians  as  you  may  meet  with,  by  every  means 
in  your  power;   convincing  them  that  we  come  at  the  request  of  many  of 
their  principal  people,  not  as   robbers,  or  to  make  war  upon  them,   but  as 
the    friends  and    supporters  of  their   liberties    as  well  as  ours  ;   and,    to  give 
efficacy  to  these  sentiments,  you  must  carefully  inculcate  upon  the  officers 
and  soldiers  under  your  command,  that  not  only  the  good  of  their  country, 
and  their   honor,   but  their   safety,  depends    upon    the   treatment  of  these 
people. 

6.  Check   every  idea   and   crush   in    its   earliest   stage    every  attempt   to 
plunder,    even  those  who   are    known    to  be  enemies   to  our  cause;   it  will 
create  dreadful  apprehensions  in  our  friends,  and  when  it  is  once  begun,  none 


4  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

can  tell  where  it  will  stop.      I  therefore  again  most  expressly  order  that  it 
be  discouraged  and  punished,  in  every  instance,  without  distinction. 

7.  Whatever  king's  stores  you  shall  be  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  yourselves 
of  are  to  be  secured  for  the  continental  use,  agreeable  to  the  rules  and  regu 
lations  of  war    published  by  the    honorable    congress.      The    officers  and 
men  may  be  assured  that  any  extraordinary  services  performed  by  them  will 
be  suitably  rewarded. 

8.  Spare  neither  pains  nor  expense  to  gain  all  possible  intelligence  on 
your  march,  to  prevent  surprises  and  accidents  of  every  kind  ;   and  endeavor, 
if  possible,  to  correspond   with   General  Schuyler,  so  that  you  may  act  in 
concert  with  him.     This  I  think  may  be  done  by  means  of  the  St.  Francois 
Indians. 

9.  In   case  of  a  union   with    General  Schuyler,   or    if  he   should    be  in 
Canada  upon  your  arrival  there,  you  are  by  no  means  to  consider  yourself  as 
upon  a  separate  and  independent  command,  but  are  to  put  yourself  under 
him,  and   follow   his   directions.      Upon  this   occasion,   and    all   others,  I 
recommend  most  earnestly  to  avoid  all  contention  about  rank.     In  such  a 
cause,  every  post  is  honorable  in  which  a  man  can  serve  his  country. 

10.  If  Lord  Chatham's  son  should  be  in  Canada,  and  in  any  way  fall  in 
your  power,  you  are  enjoined  to  treat  him  with  all  possible  deference  and  re 
spect.     You  cannot  err  in  paying  too  much  honor  to  the  son  of  so  illustrious 
a  character  and  so  true  a  friend  to  America.     Any  other  prisoners  who  may 
fall  into  your  hands  you  will  treat  with  as  much  humanity  and  kindness  as 
may  be  consistent  with  your   own  safety  and  the  public  interest.     Be  very 
particular  in  restraining  not  only  your  own  troops  but  the  Indians  from  all 
acts  of  cruelty  and  insult  which  will  disgrace  the  American  arms,  and  irritate 
our  fellow-subjects  against  us. 

11.  You  will  be  particularly  careful  to  pay    the  full  value  for  all  pro 
visions  or  other  accommodations  which  the  Canadians  may  provide  for  you 
on  your  march  ;   by  no  means  press  them  or  any  of  their  cattle  into  your 
service,  but  amply  compensate  those  who  voluntarily  assist  you.     For  this 
purpose  you  are  provided  with  a  sum  of  money  in  specie,  which  you  will 
use  with  as  much  frugality  and  economy  as  your  necessities  and  good  policy 
will  admit,  keeping  as  exact  account  as  possible  of  your  disbursements. 

12.  You  are  by  every  opportunity  to  inform   me  of  your  progress,   your 
prospect,  and  intelligence,  and  upon  any  important  occurrence  to  despatch 
an  express. 

13.  As  the  season  is  now  far  advanced,  you  are  to  make  all  possible 
despatch  ;   but  if  unforeseen  difficulties  should  arise,  or  if  the  weather  should 
become  so  severe  as  to  render  it  hazardous  to  proceed,  in  your  own  judgment 
and  that  of  your  principal  officers,   whom  you  are  to  consult,  in  that  case 
you  are  to  return,  giving  me  as  early  notice  as  possible,  that  I  may  give  you 
such  assistance  as  may  be  necessary. 

14.  As  the  contempt  of  the  religion  of  a  country,  by  ridiculing  any  of  its 
ceremonies   or    affronting  its  ministers   or  votaries,  has  ever  been    deeply 
resented,    you  are  to  be   particularly  careful  to  restrain  every  officer    and 
soldier  from  such  imprudence  and  folly,  and  to  punish  every  instance  of  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  as   far  as  lies  in  your  power,  you  are  to  protect    and 
support  the  free  exercise  of  the  religion  of  the  country,  and  the  undisturbed 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  5 

enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  conscience  in  religious  matters,  with  your  utmost 
influence  and  authority. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

The  address  to  the  people  of  Canada  was  printed  for 
distribution  as  opportunity  offered,  and  was  in  the  follow 
ing  words  : 

By  his  Excellency   GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  Esquire,   Commander  in  Chief  of 
the  Army  of  the  United  Colonies  of  NORTH  AMERICA. 

To  the  Inhabitants  of  CANADA  : 

FRIENDS  AND  BRETHREN  :  The  unnatural  contest  between  the  English 
colonies  and  Great  Britain  has  now  risen  to  such  a  height,  that  arms  alone 
must  decide  it.  The  colonies,  confiding  in  the  justice  of  their  cause  and 
the  purity  of  their  intentions,  have  reluctantly  appealed  to  that  Being  in 
whose  hands  are  all  human  events.  He  has  hitherto  smiled  upon  their 
virtuous  efforts.  The  hand  of  tyranny  has  been  arrested  in  its  ravages,  and 
the  British  arms,  which  have  shone  with  so  much  splendor  in  every  part 
of  the  globe,  are  now  tarnished  with  disgrace  and  disappointment.  Gene 
rals  of  approved  experience,  who  boasted  of  subduing  this  great  continent, 
find  themselves  circumscribed  within  the  limits  of  a  single  city  and  its  sub 
urbs,  suffering  all  the  shame  and  distress  of  a  siege,  while  the  freeborn 
sons  of  America,  animated  by  the  genuine  principles  of  liberty  and  love  of 
their  country,  with  increasing  union,  firmness,  and  discipline,  repel  every 
attack,  and  despise  every  danger.  Above  all,  we  rejoice  that  our  enemies 
have  been  deceived  with  regard  to  you  j  they  have  persuaded  themselves, 
they  have  even  dared  to  say,  that  the  Canadians  were  not  capable  of  dis 
tinguishing  between  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  the  wretchedness  of  slavery  j 
that  gratifying  the  vanity  of  a  little  circle  of  nobility  would  blind  the  eyes 
of  the  people  of  Canada  ;  by  such  artifices  they  hoped  to  bend  you  to  their 
views,  but  they  have  been  deceived  j  instead  of  finding  in  you  that  poverty 
of  soul  and  baseness  of  spirit,  they  see,  with  a  chagrin  equal  to  our  joy,  that 
you  are  enlightened,  generous,  and  virtuous ;  that  you  will  not  renounce 
your  own  rights,  or  serve  as  instruments  to  deprive  your  fellow-subjects  of 
theirs. 

Come,  then,  my  brethren,  unite  with  us  in  an  indissoluble  union ;  let  us 
run  together  to  the  same  goal.  We  have  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  our 
liberty,  our  property,  our  wives,  and  our  children  5  we  are  determined  to 
preserve  them  or  die.  We  look  forward  with  pleasure  to  that  day,  not 
far  remote,  we  hope,  when  the  inhabitants  of  America  shall  have  one 
sentiment,  and  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  a  free  Government. 
Incited  by  these  motives,  and  encouraged  by  the  advice  of  many  friends  of 
liberty  among  you,  the  grand  American  congress  have  sent  an  army  into 
your  province,  under  the  command  of  General  Schuyler,  not  to  plunder, 
but  to  protect  you ;  to  animate  and  bring  forth  into  action  those  sentiments 
of  freedom  you  have  disclosed,  and  which  the  tools  of  despotism  would 
extinguish  through  the  whole  creation.  To  cooperate  with  this  design, 
and  to  frustrate  those  cruel  and  perfidious  schemes  which  would  deluge  our 
frontiers  with  the  blood  of  women  and  children,  I  have  detached  Colonel 
Arnold  into  your  country,  with  a  part  of  the  army  under  my  command.  I 


6  Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

have  enjoined  upon  him,  and  I  am  certain  that  he  will  consider  himself, 
and  act  as  in  the  country  of  his  patrons  and  best  friends.  Necessaries  and 
accommodations  of  every  kind  which  you  may  furnish  he  will  thankfully 
receive,  and  render  the  full  value.  I  invite  you,  therefore,  as  friends  and 
brethren,  to  provide  him  with  such  supplies  as  your  country  affords  ;  and 
I  pledge  myself  not  only  for  your  safety  and  security,  but  for  ample  compensa 
tion.  Let  no  man  desert  his  habitation.  Let  no  one  flee  as  before  an 
enemy.  The  cause  of  America  and  of  liberty  is  the  cause  of  every  virtuous 
American  citizen,  whatever  may  be  his  religion  or  his  descent.  The 
United  Colonies  know  no  distinction  but  such  as  slavery,  corruption,  and 
arbitrary  domination,  may  create.  Come,  then,  ye  generous  citizens,  range 
yourselves  under  the  standard  of  general  liberty,  against  which  all  the  force 
and  artifice  of  tyranny  will  never  be  able  to  prevail. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

The  following  order  is  found  among  the  general  orders 
of  the  commander  in  chief,  of  Sept.  8,  1775  : 

The  detachment  going  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Arnold,  to  be 
forthwith  taken  off  the  roll  of  duty,  and  to  march  this  evening  to  Cambridge 
common,  where  tents  and  every  thing  necessary  are  provided  for  their 
reception.  The  rifle  company  at  Roxbury,  and  those  from  Prospect  hill,  to 
march  early  to-morrow  morning,  to  join  the  above  detachment.  Such 
officers  and  men  as  are  taken  from  General  Green's  brigade,  for  the  above 
detachment,  are  to  attend  the  muster  of  their  respective  regiments  to-morrow 
morning,  at  seven  o'clock,  upon  Prospect  hill  ;  when  the  muster  is  finished, 
they  are  forthwith  to  rejoin  the  detachment  at  Cambridge. 

So  many  journals  of  this  expedition  have  been  pre 
served,  and  published  with  annotations  and  introductions 
more  or  less  extensive,  some  of  the  more  important  of 
them  are  alluded  to  instead  of  going  over  the  same  ground 
with  an  elaborate  introduction  to  the  narrative  which 
Judge  Henry  has  left  to  us. 

The  most  complete  and  circumstantial  of  these  narra 
tives  that  have  attained  to  publication,  are  those  of  Henry, 
Thayer  and  Senter.  The  former  was  published  in  a 
separate  volume  in  1812,  and  has  since  been  republished. 
Senter's  may  be  found  in  vol.  I  of  the  Penn.  Hist.  Soci 
ety  Bulletin.  The  Journal  of  Melvin  has  been  published 
in  two  or  three  editions.  Meigs's  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Collections.  Ware's  in  the  New  Eng.  Hist,  and 
Genealogical  Register,  annotated  by  Mr.  Justin  Winsor. 
The  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  vol.  I,  2d  ed.,  gives 
several  of  Arnold's  letters  and  orders  during  the  expedi- 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  7 

tion,  and  a  narrative  principally  derived  from  the  pub 
lished  journals.  The  Journal  of  Capt.  Thayer  has  been 
elaborately  annotated  by  the  Rev.  Edwin  M.  Stone,  and 
published  by  him  with  an  exhaustive  bibliographical  and 
historical  introduction,  which  has  been  published  entire 
in  the  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Soc.  Collections. 

In  view  of  the  well  preserved  narratives  in  the  collec 
tions  of  the  historical  societies  of  this  remarkable  episode 
in  the  history  of  the  revolution,  the  publication  of  a  new 
edition  of  Judge  Henry's  simple  but  truthful  account  of 
the  expedition,  was  thought  to  be  an  enterprise  of  doubt 
ful  utility,  unless  accompanied  by  new  and  important 
adjuncts,  further  illustrating  its  authenticity,  and  the 
movements  of  the  actors  in  the  scene.  Whatever  it 
may  lack  therefore  in  bringing  out  new  and  startling  facts, 
the  contribution  of  a  new  memoir  of  Judge  Henry,  a 
few  brief  notes,  and  an  index,  so  often  omitted  in  such 
works,  together  with  some  documentary  papers  intro 
ductory  to  the  narrative,,  are  relied  upon  as  an  apology 
for  the  present  edition,  the  previous  crude  ones  being 
entirely  out  of  print,  and  unattainable. 

The  narrative  of  Henry  is  the  only  one  giving  an  ac 
count  of  the  pioneer  expedition  of  his  party  to  discover 
the  source  of  the  Chaudiere  river,  a  service  that  was  ex 
ecuted  with  much  energy  and  expedition,  and  attended 
with  great  peril  and  hardship.  Looking  at  the  exploit 
from  this  distant  period,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  good 
deal  of  misdirected  energy  and  hardihood  in  the  conduct 
of  the  enterprise,  occasioning  disaster  and  loss  by  un 
skillful  management,  amounting  almost  to  recklessness, 
by  which  provisions  and  munitions  of  all  kinds  were 
wrecked,  and  time  and  human  force  inefficiently  ex 
pended.  The  pioneer  detachment  under  Steele,  and  the 
advance  party  under  Arnold  made  good  progress,  but 
there  was  apparent  lagging  in  the  rear  in  bringing  up  the 
supplies,  and  the  final  defection  of  Enos  was  fatal  to  the 
entire  success  of  the  expedition,  which  was  the  capture 
of  Quebec.  The  attainment  of  that  object  would  have 


8  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

secured  Canada  to  the  revolutionists,  and  saved  the  valu 
able  lives  of  Montgomery  and  others,  and  might  have 
given  another  destiny  to  Arnold. 

The  original  edition  of  the  narrative  was  published  at 
Lancaster,  Pa.,  in  1812,  with  the  following  notice,  and 
recommendation  by  one  of  the  compatriots  of  the  author. 

To  THE  PUBLIC. 

This  work  is  given  to  the  world,  as  left  by  Judge 
Henry.  Had  he  lived  to  superintend  the  printing  of  it 
himself,  many  alterations  would,  no  doubt,  have  been 
made,  many  passages  which  may  at  present  appear  ob 
scure,  would  have  been  fully  explained,  and  many  differ 
ences  of  style  corrected.  As  the  work  purports  to  be 
written  by  Judge  Henry,  it  was  thought  improper  to 
make  any  alterations  or  additions,  trusting  that  the  world, 
when  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  under  which  it 
was  published,  will  be  disposed  to  pardon  trivial  errors 
as  to  the  truth  of  the  principal  facts.  The  following  letter 
from  General  Michael  Simpson,  is  ample  testimony  : 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  read  your  work  "  of  the  expedition 
through  the  wilderness  in  1775."  So  far  as  I  was  con 
cerned  in  the  transactions  related  in  the  work,  they  are 
truly  stated.  That  expedition,  perhaps  the  most  arduous 
during  the  revolutionary  war,  is  truly  represented.  The 
public  may,  in  the  general,  be  assured  that  the  account 
is  genuine. 

Your  humble  servant, 

MICHAEL  SIMPSON. J 


For  a  notice  of  Michael  Simpson  see  a  subsequent  page. 


CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  QUEBEC. 

BY  JOHN  JOSEPH  HENRY. 


MY  DEAR  CHILDREN  : 

There  is  a  point  in  the  history  of  the  American 
revolution,  hitherto  little  attended  to  ;  as  yet  imperfectly 
related,  and  now  at  this  late  day  almost  forgotten  ;  %which 
would  deserve  and  require  the  talents  and  genius  of  a 
Xenophon,  to  do  it  real  justice.  As  your  father  in  early 
life  had  a  concern  in  that  adventure,  permit  him  to  relate 
to  you  in  the  words  of  truth,  a  compendious  detail  of  the 
sufferings  of  a  small  band  of  heroes  ;  unused,  to  be  sure, 
to  military  tactics  and  due  subordination,  but  whose  souls 
were  fired  by  an  enthusiastic  love  of  country,  and  a 
spirit  such  as  has  often  inspired  our  ancestors,  when 
determined  to  be  free.  In  giving  you  this  relation, 
knowing  him  as  you  do,  you  will  scarcely  call  in  question 
his  veracity  ;  particularly  when  he  assures  you  upon  the 
honor  of  a  gentleman  and  an  honest  man,  that  every  word 
here  related,  to  the  best  of  his  recollection  and  belief,  is 
literally  true.  He  could  not  be  so  unjust  to  your  morals, 
your  veracity,  or  integrity,  as  to  state  any  thing  to  you 
which  he  knew,  or  even  suspected  to  be  untrue.  He 
has  himself  been  too  much  the  victim  of  base  liars,  not 
to  endeavor  to  eradicate  so  vile  a  principle  from  your 
minds.  His  own  education,  though  made  by  his  truant- 
isms  (in  avoidance  of  the  bounteous  and  liberal  designs 
of  his  good  father),  an  incorrect  one,  yet  the  piety  and 
real  religious  fervor  of  his  parents,  never  would  tolerate 
a  lie.  This  mental  vice,  to  them,  was  the  greatest  of 


io  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

all  abominations,  as  it  is  with  your  father  :  it  is  also  his 
most  fervent  hope  and  prayer,  that  every  one  of  you, 
will  not  only  contemn  the  lie,  but  hold  in  sovereign 
detestation  the  liar. 

Persons  at  your  age,  and  at  this  advanced  stage  of 
the  improvement  and  melioration  of  our  soil,  in  a  climate 
so  far  south  as  ours,  can  scarcely  form  a  correct  con 
ception,  but  from  actual  observation,  of  the  sterility,  the 
dreariness  and  the  destitution  of  every  comfort  of  life, 
which  a  wilderness  in  a  high  northern  latitude  exhibits. 
A  confidence  however  in  your  good  sense,  encourages, 
and  in  fact  animates  him,  to  put  that  upon  paper,  which 
has  a  thousand  times,  in  detached  parcels, been  the  subject 
of  amusing  prattle  around  the  fireside.  This  is  done  the 
rather  at  this  time,  as  some  very  atrocious  scoundrels 
who  never  looked  an  enemy  in  the  eye,  now  assume  the 
garlands  and  honors  which  ought  to  adorn  the  brows  of 
more  worthy  men. 

In  the  autumn  of  1775,  our  adorable  Washington 
thought  it  prudent  to  make  a  descent  upon  Canada.  A 
detachment  from  the  American  grand  army,  then  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  was  organized,  to 
fulfil  this  intention,  by  the  route  of  the  Kennebec  and 
Chaudiere  rivers.  It  was  intended  as  a  cooperation  with 
the  army  of  General  Montgomery,  who  had  entered  the 
same  province,  by  the  way  of  Champlain  and  Montreal. 
Colonel  Benedict  Arnold  was  appointed  the  commander 
in  chief  of  the  whole  division.  The  detachment  consisted 
of  eleven  hundred  men.  Enos1  was  second  in  command. 
Of  this  I  knew  nothing,  but  from  report.  Riflemen 
composed  a  part  of  the  armament.  These  companies, 
from  sixty-five  to  seventy-five  strong,  were  from  the 
southward  :  that  is,  Captain  Daniel  Morgan's  company 


1  The  expedition  consisted  of  two  battalions  ;  the  first  commanded  by 
Lieut.  Col.  Christopher  Greene ;  the  second  under  Lt.  Col.  Roger  Enos. 
It  was  subdivided  into  three  divisions,  the  rear  division  being  under  the 
command  of  Enos,  who,  25th  October,  abandoned  the  enterprise  with  his 
division,  ignominiously  taking  the  provisions,  and  returned  to  Cambridge. — M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  n 

from  Virginia  ;  that  of  Captain  William  Hendricks  from 
Cumberland  county  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Captain  Matthew 
Smith's  company  from  the  county  of  Lancaster,  in  the 
latter  province.1  The  residue,  and  bulk  of  this  corps 
consisted  of  troops  from  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut.  It  has  flown  from  my  memory, 
whether  we  had  any  from  New  Hampshire  ;  but  there 
is  an  impression  on  my  mind  that  we  had,  as  General 
Dearborn,  who  was  of  the  latter  province,  commanded 
a  company  in  the  expedition.  All  these  men  were  of  as 
rude  and  hardy  a  race  as  ourselves,  and  as  unused  to  the 
discipline  of  a  camp,  and  as  fearless  as  we  were.  It  fell 
to  me  to  know  many  of  them  afterwards  intimately  ; 
speaking  generally,  without  any  allusion  to  particulars, 
they  were  an  excellent  body  of  men,  formed  by  nature 
as  the  stamina  of  an  army,  fitted  for  a  tough  and  tight 
defence  of  the  liberties  of  their  country.  The  principal 
distinction  between  us,  was  in  our  dialects,  our  arms, 
and  our  dress.  Each  man  of  the  three  companies  bore 
a  rifle-barreled  gun,  a  tomahawk,  or  small  axe,  and  a 
long  knife,  usually  called  a  scalping-knife,  which  served 
for  all  purposes,  in  the  woods.  His  under-dress,  by  no 
means  in  a  military  style,  was  covered  by  a  deep  ash- 
colored  hunting-shirt,  leggings  and  moccasins,  if  the  latter 
could  be  procured.  It  was  the  silly  fashion  of  those 
times,  for  riflemen  to  ape  the  manners  of  savages.2 


1  No  sooner  was  a  call  for  volunteers  issued   in    1775,  than  we  find  a 
company  formed  in  Paxton  and  Derry  in  Pa.,  to  march  to  Quebec  j   having  as 
officers    and    privates    Matthew    Smith,    James    Crouch,    Richard    Dixon, 
Robert  McClure,  Archibald  Steele,  Michael  Simpson,  John  Joseph  Henry, 
John    Harris,  eldest  son  of  John  Harris  founder  of  Harrisburgh,  and  other 
honored  names,  now  seldom  recalled,  but  the  remembrance  of  whose  valiant 
deeds,  hardy  endurance,  and  patriotic  sacrifices  will  never  be   forgotten  by  a 
grateful  people.      Dixon  and  Harris  never  returned  from   Quebec.      One  of 
them  certainly  was  killed  there  ;   the  fate  of  the  latter  is  quite  uncertain. — 
Centennial  Address  at  Harrisburgb,  July  4,  1876,  by  A.  B.  HAMILTON. — M. 

2  The   Canadians  who  first  saw  these  men  emerge  from  the  woods,  said 
they  were    vctu  en  toile,  clothed  in  linen.      The    word  toile   was  changed   to 
ro/e,»iron  plate.      By  a  mistake  of  a  single  word  the  fears  of  the  people  were 
greatly  increased,  for  the  news  spread  that  the  mysterious  army  that  descend 
ed  from  the  wilderness  was  clad  in    sheet  iron. — M. 


12  Campaign  against  Quebec y  1775. 

Our  commander,  Arnold,  was  of  a  remarkable  cha 
racter.  He  was  brave,  even  to  temerity  ;  was  beloved 
by  the  soldiery,  perhaps  for  that  quality  only.  He 
possessed  great  powers  of  persuasion,  was  complaisant  ; 
but,  withal,  sordidly  avaricious.  Arnold  was  a  short, 
handsome  man,  of  a  florid  complexion,  stoutly  made,  and 
forty  years^old  at  least.1 

On  the  other  hand  Morgan  was  a  large,  strong  bodied 
personage,  whose  appearance  gave  the  idea  history  has  left 
us  of  Belisarius.  His  manners  were  of  the  severer 
cast ;  but  where  he  became  attached  he  was  kind  and 
truly  affectionate.  This  is  said,  from  experience  of  the 
most  sensitive  and  pleasing  nature  ;  activity,  spirit  and 
courage  in  a  soldier,  procured  his  good  will  and  esteem. 

Hendricks  was  tall,  of  a  mild  and  beautiful  counte 
nance.  His  soul  was  animated  by  a  genuine  spark  of 
heroism.  Smith  was  a  good  looking  man,  had  the  air 
of  a  soldier,  was  illiterate  and  outrageously  talkative. 
The  officers  of  the  eastern  troops  were  many  of  them 
men  of  sterling  worth.  Colonel  Christopher  Greene 
seemed  too  far  advanced  in  life  for  such  hard  service, 
yet  he  was  inspired  by  an  ardor  becoming  a  youth.  He 
afterwards  did  the  public  good  service  at  Redbank  on  the 
Delaware,  in  the  autumn  of  1777.  Majors  Meigs, 
Febiger  and  Bigelow,  were  excellent  characters.  As 
we  acted  in  the  advance,  the  latter  gentlemen  were  not 
well  known  to  us,  until  sometime  afterwards.  Your 
father  was  too  young  to  enjoy  any  other  honor  than  that 
of  exposing  himself,  in  the  character  of  a  cadet,  to  every 
danger.  This  little  army  in  high  spirits,  marched  from 
Prospect  hill  near  Cambridge  in  Massachusetts,  on  the 
nth  of  September,  1775,  and  on  the  following  day2 

1  Arnold  was  but  thirty-four  years  of  age  at  this  time.      Notices  of  Arnold 
are  found  in  the  biographical  dictionaries  and  elsewhere,  and  a  pedigree  of 
his  family  is  given  in  HOUGH'S  Am.  Siog.  Notes,  p.  8. — M. 

2  Portions    of  the   army  took  different  routes    to    Newburyport.     The 
companies  under  Major  Return  J.  Meigs  marched  from   Roxbury,  thraugh 
Cambridge,  Mystick,  Maiden,  Lynn,  Salem,   Danvers,  Beverly,    Wenham, 
and  Rowley.  —  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Col!.,  2d  series,  n,  227,  228. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775.  13 

arrived  at  Newburyport  (which  is  formed  by  the  waters 
of  the  Merrimac  river).  This  place,  at  that  time,  was  a 
small  but  commercial  town,  near  the  border  of  Massa 
chusetts.  Here  we  remained  encamped  five  days,  provid 
ing  ourselves  with  such  articles  of  real  necessity,  as  our 
small  means  afforded.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  sixth 
day,  we  embarked  aboard  of  ten  transports  ;x  sailed  in 
the  evening,  and  at  dawn  of  day  descried  the  mouth  of  the 
Kennebec  river.  The  wind  was  strong  but  fair.  The 
distance  of  this  run  was  150  miles.  We  ascended  the 
river  to  Colonel  Colborn's  ship  yard  ;2  here  we  left  our 
vessels,  and  obtained  bateaux,  with  which  we  proceeded 
to  Fort  Western.  At  this  place,  on  the  day  of  our  arrival, 
an  arrangement  was  made  by  the  commander  in  chief, 
which  in  all  probability  sealed  the  destiny  of  your  parent. 
It  was  concluded  to  dispatch  an  officer  and  seven  men 
in  advance,  for  the  purposes  of  ascertaining  and  marking 
the  paths,  which  were  used  by  the  Indians  at  the  numer 
ous  carrying-places  in  the  wilderness,  towards  the  heads 
of  the  river  ;  and  also,  to  ascertain  the  course  of  the  river 
Chaudiere,  which  runs  from  the  height  of  land,  towards 
Quebec. 

To  give  some  degree  of  certainty   of  success  to  so 
hazardous  an  enterprise,  Arnold  found  it  necessary  to 


1  On  the  1 9th  the  detachment,  consisting  of  ten  companies  of  musketmen, 
and  three  companies  of  riflemen,  amounting  to   noo  men,  embarked  on 
board  of  ten  transports,  and  sailed  for  the  Kennebec  river. — Ibid,  228. — M. 

2  The  bateaux  were  built  at  Agry's  point,  about  two  miles   below  Gardiner, 
the  residence  of  Major  Colborn.      It  is  mentioned  in  Meigs's  Journal  of  the 
expedition,  that  but  fourteen  days  had  elapsed  since  orders  had  been  given 
for    building  two  hundred   bateaux,  collecting  provisions  for    and    levying 
eleven   hundred  men,   and  marching  them  to  this  place.     Here  the  army 
embarked,  on  the  22d  September,    having  taken   two  days  to  transfer  their 
baggage  and  stores.      It  is  mentioned  in  HANSON'S  History  of  Gardner  and 
Pittston,   that  Col.   Colborn,  who  built  the  bateaux,  was  never  paid  for  them, 
and  that  his  heirs  unsuccessfully  petitioned  congress  for  remuneration.      In 
Thayer's  Journal  the  construction  of  the  bateaux  is  most  severely  condemned 
as    a    fraud  upon  the  government.     See  p.   6,    THAYER'S  Journal^  R.    I. 
Co/Sections^  vol.  6. — M. 


14  Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775. 

select  an  officer  of  activity  and  courage  ;  the  choice  fell 
upon  Archibald  Steele1  of  Smith's  company,  a  man  of 
an  active,  courageous,  sprightly  and  hardy  disposition, 
who  was  complimented  with  the  privilege  of  naming  his 
companions.  These  consisted  of  Jesse  Wheeler,  George 
Merchant,  and  James  Clifton,  of  Morgan's  ;  and  Robert 
Cunningham,  Thomas  Boyd,  John  Tidd,  and  John 

1  Archibald  Steele,  a  brother  of  Gen.  John  Steele,  was  a  man  of  great 
intrepidity  and  resolute  daring.  Upon  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution 
he  and  a  man  named  Smith  raised  a  company  in  Lancaster  county  and 
marched  to  Boston,  where  they  were  organized  into  a  regiment  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  Benedict  Arnold.  This  was  the  regiment  that  made 
the  celebrated  march  through  the  wilderness  of  Maine  to  Quebec,  in  the 
winter  of  1775,  which  has  ever  been  remembered  as  one  memorable  in  the 
annals  of  American  history.  During  this  march  Archibald  Steele  had  the 
command  of  a  party  of  men  who  were  selected  to  go  before  the  army  and 
mark  out  the  roads  and  crossing  places  j  and  on  the  arrival  of  the  army  at 
the  St.  Lawrence  he  was  appointed  superintendent  of  the  crqssing  of  the 
river.  At  the  head  of  his  company  Steele  marched  with  the  army  to  the 
attack  upon  Quebec,  but  upon  the  fall  of  Gen.  Montgomery  the  Americans 
retreated,  and  Arnold's  division  were  all  taken  prisoners.  He  was  badly 
wounded  in  the  left  hand,  two  of  his  fingers  having  been  carried  away  by 
a  musket  shot.  The  following  may  be  cited  as  showing  the  heroic  daring 
of  Capt.  Archibald  Steele  :  On  one  occasion  as  the  Americans  were  crossing 
a  river  in  bark  canoes,  these  were  filled  to  their  utmost  capacity  with  men, 
and  Capt.  Steele  seeing  no  room  in  the  canoe  leaped  into  the  river,  rested 
his  hands  on  the  stern  of  the  boat  whilst  one  of  the  men  therein  sat  upon 
them,  and  thus  was  he  dragged  through  the  floating  ice  to  the  opposite 
shore.  When  they  reached  the  shore,  life  was  almost  extinct ;  the  soldiers 
wrapped  him  in  their  blankets,  and  rolled  him  over  the  ground  to  infuse 
new  life  in  him.  On  his  return  home  from  the  Quebec  expedition  he  met 
the  American  army  in  New  Jersey,  and  was  informed  by  Gen.  Hand  that 
two  of  his  brothers,  John  Steele  and  Wm.  Steele,  were  then  serving  with 
the  army.  Capt.  Archibald  Steele  asked  Gen.  Hand  if  he  thought  his 
brother  John  would  be  competent  to  assume  the  command  of  a  company 
(being  but  eighteen  years  of  age.)  Hand  replied  that  he  would  warrant 
his  qualification,  and  the  commission  was  produced.  Archibald  Steele  was 
afterwards  appointed  deputy  quartermaster  general,  a  position  he  retained 
for  some  considerable  time.  He  was  appointed  by  Washington  colonel  of 
a  western  expedition,  but  sickness  prevented  the  acceptance  of  this  com 
mand.  He  held  for  some  time  in  Philadelphia  his  position  of  military 
storekeeper.  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  Oct.  19,  1832,  aged  91  years.  He 
had  three  sons  in  the  naval  service  during  the  war  of  1812  (George, 
William  and  Matthias),  who  were  captured,  taken  to  England,  and  there 
for  a  time  detained  as  prisoners  of  war.  —  HARRIS'S  Biog.  Hist.  Lancaster 
Co.,  Pa.,  561. 


Campaign  against  Quebec,,  1775.  I5 

M'Konkey,  of  Smith's  company.  Though  a  very  youth, 
yet  in  a  small  degree  accustomed  to  hardships,  derived 
from  long  marches  in  the  American  woods,  Steele's 
course  of  selection  next  fell  upon  your  father,  who  was 
his  messmate  and  friend.  Two  birch-bark  canoes  were 
provided  ;  and  two  guides,  celebrated  for  the  manage 
ment  of  such  water  craft,  and  who  knew  the  river  as 
high  up  as  the  great  carrying-place  were  also  found. 
These  were  Jeremiah  Getchel,  a  very  respectable  man, 
and  John  Home,  an  Irishman  who  had  grown  gray  in 
this  cold  climate. 

This  small  party,  unconscious  of  danger,  and  animated 
by  a  hope  of  applause  from  their  country,  set  forward 
from  Fort  Western  in  their  light  barks,  at  the  rate  of 
from  fifteen  to  twenty,  and  in  good  water,  twenty-five 
miles  per  day.  These  canoes  are  so  light,  that  a  person 
of  common  strength  may  carry  one  of  the  smallest  kind, 
such  as  ours  were,  many  hundred  yards  without  halting.1 
Yet  they  will  bear  a  great  burden,  and  swim  nearly 
gunwale  deep  ;  an  admirable  description  of  them  is  given 
by  Hearne,  in  his  Journey  to  the  Coppermine  river. 
Steele's  canoe  bore  five  men  with  their  arms  and 
baggage,  which  last  was  indeed  light  in  quantity  and 
quality,  one  barrel  of  pork,  one  bag  of  meal,  and  20O 
weight  of  biscuit.  The  other  canoe  carried  seven  men, 
their  arms  and  baggage,  and  a  due  proportion  of  provisions. 

1  The  gentlemen  composing  this  party  were  unwilling  to  impose  upon 
me,  any  thing  above  my  apparent  strength,  yet  in  the  heyday  of  youth,  I 
would  clap  a  canoe  on  my  back,  and  run  a  hundred  yards  across  a  carrying- 
place.  This  is  done  by  a  particular  mode  of  management.  There  is  a 
broad  stave,  something  like  a  flour  barrel-stave,  but  straight  and  thicker, 
with  two  perforations  in  it,  an  inch  or  more  apart,  towards  the  middle  of 
the  stave.  A  thong  of  stout  leather  is  inserted  through  those  holes,  and 
tightly  bound  to  the  central  cross-bar  of  the  canoe.  The  carrier  swings 
the  canoe  by  a  sudden  jerk  upon  his  shoulders,  and  which  he  can  handle 
with  ease,  throwing  the  hollow  side  of  the  canoe  on  his  back,  the  stave,  if 
it  may  be  so  called,  resting  principally  on  the  hind  part  of  the  head,  and 
the  prominences  of  the  shoulders.  Thus  he  may,  if  a  strong  man,  pass 
over  a  considerable  space  of  ground  of  a  difficult  nature,  in  a  short  time 
with  much  speed. —  Henry. 


1 6  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

On  the  evening  of  the  23d  of  September,  our  party 
arrived  at  Fort  Halifax,1  situated  on  the  point  formed  by 
a  junction  of  the  Sebasticook  and  Kennebec  rivers. 
Here  our  commander,  Steele,  was  accosted  by  a  Captain 
Harrison,  or  Huddlestone,  inviting  him  and  the  company 
to  his  house.  The  invitation  was  gladly  accepted,  as  the 
accommodation  at  the  fort,  which  consisted  of  old  block 
houses  and  a  stockade  in  a  ruinous  state,  did  not  admit 
of  much  comfort  ;  besides  it  was  inhabited,  as  our  friend 
the  captain  said,  by  a  rank  tory.  Here  for  the  first  time 
the  application  of  the  American  term  tory,  was  defined 
to  me  by  the  captain.  Its  European  definition  was  well 
known  before.  Another  interesting  conversation  upon 
the  part  of  the  captain,  struck  my  mind  as  a  great 
curiosity  in  natural  history,  and  well  deserving  com 
memoration  ;  he  observed  that  he  had  immigrated  to  the 
place  he  then  resided  at,  about  thirty  years  before,  most 
probably  with  his  parents,  for  he  did  not  then  appear  to 
be  much  beyond  forty.  That  at  that  period  the  common 
deer  which  now  inhabits  our 'more  southern  climate,  was 
the  only  animal  of  the  deer  kind  which  they  knew,  un 
less  it  was  the  elk  \  and  them  but  partially.  In  a  short 
space  of  time  the  moose  deer  appeared  in  small  numbers, 
but  increased  annually  afterwards,  and  as  the  one  species 
became  more  numerous,  the  other  diminished  :  so  that 
the  kind  of  deer  first  spoken  of,  at  the  time  of  this  infor 
mation,  according  to  the  captain,  was  totally  driven  from 
that  quarter.  The  moose  deer  reigned  the  master  of 
the  forest.  This  anecdote,  if  true,  might  in  such  minds 


1  Fort  Halifax  was  built  by  Gov.  Shirley  of  Massachusetts  in  1754,  by 
engagement  with  the  Plymouth  company,  who  were  to  build  Fort  Western 
at  Cushnoc  now  Augusta.  It  was  located  at  Ticonic,  the  confluence  of  the 
Sebasticook  with  the  Kennebec,  and  was  built  of  hewn  timber,  with  a  block 
house  at  opposite  angles  of  the  fort,  and  picketed.  Plans  of  both  forts  are 
given  in  NORTH'S  History  of  Augusta.  At  Ticonic  was  the  first  carrying 
place,  where  all  the  provisions  and  baggage  had  to  be  transported  by  land  a 
distance  of  eighty  rods,  and  the  bateaux  dragged  over  by  human  force  aided 
by  a  yoke  of  oxen. —  M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  17 

as  those  of  Buffon,  or  De  Pauw,  give  occasion  to  systems 
in  natural  history,  totally  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of 
nature  ;  still  there  may  be  something  in  it ;  animals,  like 
human  beings,  whether  forced  fry  necessity  or  from 
choice,  do  migrate.  Many  instances  might  be  given 
of  this  circumstance  of  the  animal  economy,  in  various 
parts  of  the  world.  The  above  relation  is  the  only 
instance  which  has  come  to  my  knowledge,  where  one 
species  has  expelled  another  of  the  same  genus.  If  the 
fact  be  true,  it  is  either  effected  by  a  species  of  warfare, 
or  some  peculiarity  in  the  appearance  of  the  one  kind, 
and  of  horror  or  perhaps  of  disgust  in  the  other ;  we  know 
the  rock  goat  (steinbock  of  the  Germans  and  boquetin  of 
the  French)  formerly  inhabited  the  low  hills  of  southern 
France  and  of  the  Pyrenees  ;  they  have  been  driven 
thence  by  some  peculiar  cause,  for  they  are  now  con 
fined  to  the  tops  of  the  highest  mountains  in  Europe.  It 
is  true,  it  has  been  frequently  advanced  by  men  of  re 
spectability  and  information  in  Pennsylvania,  that  the 
grey  fox  which  is  indigenous  in  the  United  States,  and 
all  North  America,  has  been  driven  from  the  Atlantic 
sea  coast  into  the  interior,  by  the  introduction  of  the  red 
fox  from  Europe.  But  we  have  no  sufficient  data  to 
warrant  this  assertion.  The  truth  probably  is,  that  as 
the  grey  fox  is  a  dull  and  slow  animal,  compared  with  the 
sprightliness,  rapidity,  and  cunning  of  the  red  fox,  that 
the  first  has  been  thinned  by  the  huntsmen,  and  gradually 
receded  from  the  seacoast  to  the  forest,  where,  from  his 
habits,  he  is  more  secure.  The  cunning  and  prowess 
of  the  latter,  has  enabled  him  to  maintain  his  station 
among  the  farms,  in  despite  of  the  swiftness  and  power 
ful  scent  of  the  dogs.  But  that  which  puts  this  assertion 
out  of  view,  is  that  the  red  fox  is  indigenous  throughout 
North  America.  He  and  the  grey  fox  are  found  in  the 
highest  latitudes,  but  there,  their  skins  are  changed  into 
more  beautiful  furs  than  those  of  ours,  by  the  effects  of 
climate.  Another  notion  has  been  started  within  these 


1 8  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

twenty  years  past,  of  the  fox  squirrel  expelling  the  large 
grey  squirrel :  but  it  is  fallacious. 

Be  these  things  as  they  may,  we  spent  an  agreeable 
and  most  sociable  evening  with  this  respectable  man,  and 
his  amiable  family.  On  the  following  day,  our  party 
rose  early,  and  accompanied  by  our  host,  waited  upon 
the  tory,  who  then  showed  himself  to  be  an  honest  man, 
of  independent  principles,  and  who  claimed  the  right  of 
thinking  for  himself.  He  exchanged  a  barrel  of  smoke- 
dried  salmon  for  a  barrel  of  pork,  upon  honest  terms. 

We  set  out  from  this  place,  well  pleased  with  our  host, 
the  old  tory,  and  our  bargain.  In  a  very  few  days, 
without  other  accident  than  the  spraining  of  Lieut. 
Steele's  ancle,  by  his  slipping,  when  carrying  a  canoe 
over  the  path,  at  one  of  the  intermediate  portages,  we 
arrived  safely  at  Norridgewock  falls.  Coming  to  the 
landing  place,  the  water  being  smooth  and  very  deep,  a 
rock,  as  we  passed  it,  drew  my  attention  very  particularly, 
it  was  standing  in  a  conical  form,  five  feet  in  perpen 
dicular  height,  and  ten  or  twelve  feet  in  diameter  at  the 
base.  I  observed  that  next  the  water,  the  face  of  the 
rock,  which  was  a  bluish  flint,  was,  as  it  were,  scalloped 
out,  down  to  the  very  water's  edge.  Asking  Getchel 
how  this  had  occurred,  his  reply  was  that  the  Indians,  in 
former  times,  had  from  thence  obtained  their  spear  and 
arrow  points.  It  seems  unreasonable  that  without  a 
knowledge  of  iron,  they  should  have  been  capable  of 
executing  such  a  labor.  However,  upon  observation  and 
reflection,  since  Getchel's  time,  an  inducement  from 
experience  and  reasoning  occurs,  which  influences  me  to 
believe  that  he  might  have  been  correct  in  his  observation. 
The  rock,  no  doubt,  still  remains,  and  there  is  leisure 
for  inquiry  and  discussion. 

We  were  hurried.  The  village  within  one  hundred 
yards  of  the  pitch  of  the  fall,  was  evidently  a  deserted 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  19 

Indian  town.1  We  saw  no  one  there.  It  was  without 
the  vestige  of  inhabitants.  Dressing  our  victuals  here 
at  mid-day,  an  occurrence  happened,  which  disgusted  me 
in  an  extreme  degree.  On  this  day,  an  estimate  of  our 
food  was  made,  and  an  allotment  in  quantity  to  each  man, 
though  no  actual  separation  of  shares  took  place,  as  that, 
it  was  agreed,  should  happen  at  the  twelve-mile  carrying 
place.  By  the  estimate  now  made,  it  seemed  that  there 
was  something  of  a  surplus.  As  we  had  had  hard  work, 
that  and  some  preceding  days,  and  harder  fare,  our  good 
commander  was  inclined  to  indulge  Us.  The  surplus 
was  allotted  for  this  day's  fare.  It  happened  that 
M'Konkey  was,  by  routine,  the  cook.  He  boiled  the 
meat  (vegetable  food  of  any  kind  was  not  attainable), 
and  when  sauntering  towards  the  fall,  he  called  us  to 
dinner.  We  came  eagerly.  He  was  seated  on  the  earth, 
near  the  wooden  bowl.  The  company  reclined  around 
in  a  like  posture,  intending  to  partake  ;  when  M'Konkey 
raising  his  vile  and  dirty  hands,  struck  the  meat,  exclaim 
ing,  "  By  G — d  this  was  our  last  comfortable  meal." 
The  indelicacy  of  the  act,  its  impiety,  and  the  grossness 
of  the  expression,  deprived  the  company  of  appetite.  On 
several  subsequent  occasions  M'Konkey  showed  himself 
as  mean  in  spirit,  as  he  was  devoid  of  decency.  We  soon 
rid  ourselves  of  him.  Many  years  afterwards,  at  Lan 
caster,  in  Pennsylvania,  he  applied  and  received  a  loan 
by  way  of  charity  from  me,  which  he  meanly  solicited 
with  the  most  abject  sycophancy.  So  true  it  is,  in 
general,  that  those  who  disregard  the  social  decencies  of 


1  The  advanced  party  arrived  at  Norridgewock  on  the  2d  of  October. 
This  was  the  third  carrying  place,  and  had  been  the  residence  of  the  noted 
Jesuit  missionary,  Rale,  among  the  Conibas,  usually  called  the  Norridgewock 
Indians,  who  for  many  years  were  a  great  scourge  to  the  advancing  English. 
A  vigorous  attack  was  made  upon  the  place  in  1724,  when  Rale  was  killed 
on  the  24th  of  August,  and  the  Indian  village  destroyed.  Vestiges  of  it, 
and  of  a  Catholic  chapel,  as  well  as  the  priest's  grave  still  remained.  Here 
were  repaired  their  hastily  constructed  bateaux,  which  in  the  end  caused 
great  loss  of  provisions  and  munitions,  and  here  they  left  the  abode  of  man, 
and  entered  upon  the  uninhabited  wilderness. — M. 


2O  Campaign  against  Quebec ',   1775. 

life,  are  equally  incapable  of  those  virtues  which  make 
man  respectable  in  society. 

On  the  afternoon  of  this  day,  we  crossed  to  the  west 
side  of  the  river  below  the  fall  :  searched  for,  and  with 
difficulty  found  the  carrying  place.  Having  marked  it 
with  precision,  we  rested  awhile.  On  the  west  side  of 
the  river,  not  very  distant  from  us,  there  was  a  consider 
able  extent  of  natural  meadow.1  One  of  our  party,  ex- 


1  In  traversing  this  meadow,  which  was  a  beautiful  plain,  one  of  the 
party  found  the  horns  of  a  moose-deer,  which  from  appearances  had  been 
shed  in  the  foregoing  summer,  or  perhaps  in  the  beginning  of  autumn; 
being  then  about  five  feet  ten  inches  high.  Getchell,  facetiously,  yet  gravely, 
insisted  by  way  of  measurement,  that  I  should  stand  under  the  main  fork. 
The  crown  of  my  head  rubbed  against  the  crown- work  of  the  horns.  This, 
to  all  of  us,  was  matter  of  great  surprise.  However,  in  a  short  time  after 
wards  the  circumstance  of  size  was  thought  little  of,  when  we  came  into 
contact  with  the  living  animal,  upon  whose  head  such  horns  grew.  There 
is  a  paucity  of  words  for  a  description  upon  paper,  of  the  enormous  dimensions 
of  the  male  moose,  which  we  saw,  and  of  their  horns.  The  male-deer 
bears  horns  5  the  female  bears  none.  Those  horns,  which  we  examined 
minutely,  were  of  a  large  size,  but  not  so  large  as  some  we  saw  on  the 
living  deer.  About  midway  of  the  horn,  from  the  crown  of  the  head,  there 
is  a  broad,  flat  part  of  the  horn,  called  the  blade,  which,  in  the  specimen 
under  examination,  was  full  two  of  my  spans,  or  nearly  twenty  inches  from 
whence  branched  the  proud  antlers  or  prong.  There  is  no  beast  of  the 
forest  more  handsomely  decorated,  unless  it  be  the  reindeer  of  the  north  of 
Europe  and  Asia.  In  the  evenings,  in  the  first  ascension  of  the  Kennebec 
and  Dead  rivers,  sitting  around  our  solitary  smoke  fires,  we  have  often  seen 
those  stately  deer  passing  the  river  in  droves,  sometimes  of  fifteen  or  twenty 
in  number,  the  one  walking  after  the  other  in  the  accustomed  path,  but  due 
care  and  discipline  kept  our  arms  quiet.  The  country  around  Natanis's 
house,  a  circle  of  ten  or  fifteen  miles,  was  at  that  time  an  admirable  hunting 
ground.  One  day,  suddenly  passing  a  sharp  point  of  the  river  about  five 
miles  below  Natanis's  cabin,  we  as  suddenly  fell  back.  We  wanted  fresh 
food.  Regardless  of  what  might  follow,  Steele  permitted  us  to  fire.  We 
had  seen  five  or  six  of  those  monstrous  deer,  standing  in  the  water  knee-deep, 
feeding  on  their  favorite  food,  the  red  willow.  Boyd,  Wheeler  and  myself 
passed  the  river,  out  of  sight  of  the  moose,  in  the  most  cautionary  manner. 
The  stream  here  was  not  more  than  sixty  yards  wide.  We  approached 
them  through  the  thick  underwood,  which  clothed  the  bank.  Boyd  pre 
ceded.  The  rustling  of  the  leaves  alarmed  the  deer.  They  threw  up  their 
heads.  What  a  sight  !  The  antlers  of  several  of  them,  seemed  to  exceed 
in  size,  those  we  had  already  seen.  Boyd,  apprehensive  they  were  about 
to  run  from  us,  fired  without  giving  Wheeler  and  myself  an  opportunity  to 
take  a  stand,  but  the  greatest  misfortune  was,  that  the  worthy  Boyd  had 
neglected  to  clean  his  gun  that  day,  it  made  long  fire,  and  but  a  trifling 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  2I 

ploring  the  country  for  deer,  met  with  two  white  men 
who  had  come  from  a  distance,  mowing  the  wild  grass 
of  the  meadow.  An  agreeable  barter  ensued  ;  we  gave 
salted  pork,  and  they  returned  two  fresh  beaver  tails, 
which,  when  boiled,  renewed  ideas  imbibed  with  the 
May-butter  of  our  own  country.  Taste,  however,  is 
arbitrary,  and  often  the  child  of  necessity.  Two  years 
before  this,  acorns  had  supplied  me  with  a  precarious 
sustenance,  on  a  journey  from  Sandusky  to  Pittsburg  ; 
it  momentarily  sustained  life  and  bodily  labor,  but  the 
consequence  was  ill  health.  Your  respectable  kinsman, 
General  Gibson,  received  me  into  his  house  at  Logstown 
on  the  Ohio,  and  restored  me  sound  to  my  parents. 
These  minute  matters  are  noted  here  from  an  expectation 
that,  knowing  the  privations  men  may  suffer  in  respect 
to  food,  you  will  each  of  you  remember  to  receive  the 
dispensations  of  Providence,  of  every  kind,  if  not  with 
thankfulness,  at  least  with  submission. 

We  passed  the  portage  of  Norridgewock  falls.  Thence 
for  several  days,  the  navigation  for  such  canoes  as  ours 
was  tolerable,  and  in  the  most  part  convenient.  We 
ascended  the  river  rapidly,  blazing  every  carrying-place. 
Having  now  receded  many  miles  from  the  last  white 
inhabitants  at  Norridgewock,  it  became  us  therefore  to 
proceed  cautiously.  A  circumspection  was  adopted, 
which,  though  prudent  in  the  predicament  we  were  in, 
appeared  to  be  rather  harsh  to  the  feelings  ;  the  firing  of 
a  gun  was  prohibited  ;  though  the  weather  was  chilling, 


report.  The  bullet  scarcely  reached  the  deer.  Wheeler  and  myself  were 
creeping  to  our  places  when  Boyd's  gun  disturbed  the  animals.  The  guns 
in  our  hands  were  ineffectually  discharged.  This  jejune  occurrence  is  related 
merely  for  the  introduction  of  a  single  observation.  When  the  bull  moose, 
at  the  rustling  of  the  leaves,  and  afterwards  when  Boyd  fired,  threw  up 
their  heads,  the  tips  of  their  horns  seemed  to  me  to  stand  eighteen  feet  in 
the  air.  The  ridge  of  the  shoulder  seemed  seventeen  hands  high.  The 
largest  of  these  animals  was  a  lusus  nature.  The  moose  in  ordinary,  is  of 
an  ash-colored  grey.  The  one  I  speak  of  was  flecked,  in  large  spots  of  red, 
on  a  pure  white  ground.  His  skin,  if  we  could  have  obtained  it,  would 
have  been  a  valuable  curiosity.  —  Henry. 


22  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

we  dared  scarcely  make  a  smoke  at  night.  Angling  for 
trout  and  chub  in  the  morning  and  evening,  made  up  our 
stock  of  fresh  food.  We  frequently  saw  ducks,  etc., 
and  many  moose  deer,  yet  we  discharged  not  a  gun  ;  in 
truth  we  had  been  made  to  believe  that  this  country  had 
numerous  Indians  in  it. 

The  party  proceeded  without  molestation  but  from 
natural  rock,  and  a  strict  current  (by  the  2yth  of  Sep 
tember)  T  to  the  twelve-mile  carrying-place.2  Here  a 
new  scene  opened.  Our  guides  professed  that  neither  of 
them  had  ever  been  north  of  this  place  across  the  carry 
ing-place,  but  Getchel  alleged  he  had  hunted  to  the  east 
of  the  river. 

Now  we  assumed  the  title  of  being  our  own  guides, 
giving  to  Getchel  due  respect  and  attention  for  his 
information  relative  to  the  route  north.  He  informed  me 
that  the  course  of  the  river,  which  is  injudiciously  called 
the  Dead  river,  tended  sixty  or  one  hundred  miles 
northerly,  took  a  short  turn  southwardly,  and  was  then 
within  twelve  miles  of  us.  That  that  part  was  full  of 
rapids,  and  impassable  to  boats,  or  even  canoes.  We 
searched  for  the  carrying-place,  and  found  a  path  tolerably 
distinct,  which  we  made  more  so  by  blazing  the  trees  and 
snagging  the  bushes  with  our  tomahawks  ;  proceeding 
until  evening,  the  party  encamped  at  the  margin  of  a 


1  It    will   be  remembered   that    this    was    the    advanced    party.      Other 
divisions   were  nearly  two  weeks  later  in  reaching  this  point.      The  divisions 
do  not  seem  to  have  followed  each  other  in  the  same  route,  some  going 
by    water,    others    seeking    better  paths  than    had    been    taken    by    their 
predecessors. — M. 

2  This  celebrated  portage  is  through  the  third  range  of  townships  of  the 
Bingham  purchase,  in  latitude  45°  15',  and  is  about  fourteen  miles  long  from 
the  Kennebec  to  Dead  river.     It  is  divided  into  four  carrying  places  by 
three  ponds.      The  first  carry  is  three  and  three-fourths   miles   to  the  first 
pond,  which  is  one-fourth  of  a  mile  wide ;  the  second  carry  a  mile  to  the 
second  pond,  about  as  wide  as  the  first ;   the  third  about  the  same  length  as 
the  second,  to  the  third  pond  about  four  miles  wide.      From  this  the  fourth 
carry  of  four  miles  reaches  to  the  Dead  river.  —  NORTH'S  History  of  Augusta, 
127-8.     The  map  facing  the  title  page,  gives  a  tolerably  correct  plan  of  the 
route  pursued,  on  as  small  a  scale  as  it  is  possible  to  represent  it. — M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  23 

small  lake,  perhaps  about  half  a  mile  wide,  where  there 
was  plenty  of  trout,  which  old  Clifton,  who  was  good  at 
angling,  caught  in  abundance.  Here,  in  a  conference 
on  the  subject,  it  was  resolved  that  two  persons  of  the 
party  should  remain  (with  about  one-half  of  the  pro 
visions),  until  the  return  of  our  main  body,  calculating 
the  return  would  be  in  eight  or  ten  days.  It  had  been 
observed  that  Clifton,  being  the  oldest  of  the  company, 
yet  brave  and  a  good  shot,  from  the  fatigues  we  had  en 
dured,  had  begun  to  flag.  With  the  assent  of  our  chief, 
the  younger  part  of  us  proposed  to  him  to  remain  where 
we  then  were,  with  the  better  part  of  the  provisions. 
After  considerable  altercation  he  assented,  on  condition 
of  his  having  a  companion.  The  youngest  of  the  party 
nominated  M'Konkey,  who  could  not  restrain  his  joy  at 
the  proposal.  It  was  advised  for  them  to  retire  to  the 
south  end  of  the  pond,  perhaps  a  mile,  and  there,  as  in  a 
perfect  recess,  remain  concealed  ;  knowing  M'Konkey, 
the  consequences  were  foreseen.  After  the  accomplish 
ment  of  this  affair,  Lieutenant  Steele  parted  the  provision 
appropriated  for  the  marchers,  not  by  pounds  or  ounces, 
my  dear  children  but  by  :  "Whose  shall  be  this."  Some 
of  you  have  been  taught  how  this  is  done  ;  if  you  should 
have  forgotten,  it  will  be  well  now  to  tell  you  of  it. 
The  principal  of  the  party,  if  he  is  a  gentleman  and  man 
of  honor,  divides  the  whole  portion  equally  into  as  many 
parts  as  there  are  men,  including  himself;  this  is  done 
under  the  eyes  of  all  concerned,  and  with  their  approba 
tion  the  officer  then  directs  some  one  of  the  company  to 
turn  his  back  upon  him,  and  laying  his  hand  on  a  par 
ticular  portion,  asks,  ct  Whose  shall  be  this  ?"  The 
answer  is  hap-hazard,  A,  S,  etc.,  or  any  other  of  the  party. 
It  has  frequently  occurred  that  we  were  compelled  to 
divide  the  necessaries  of  life  in  this  way,  and  it  could 
not  be  fairly  said,  that  any  fraud  or  circumvention  took 
place. 

September  28th,  we  left  Clifton  and  his  companion  in 
a  most  dreary  wild,  but  with  enough  to  support  them  ; 


24  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

and  if  they  would  act  honorably,  to  assist  us.  A  laugh 
able  occurrence  ensued.  Sergeant  Boyd  and  myself  had, 
that  day,  the  charge  of  unloading  and  loading  the  canoes, 
which,  as  customarily,  being  very  light  and  easily  blown 
off  shore  by  a  puff  of  wind,  were  drawn  half  their  lengths 
•on  the  beach  ;  we  ran  a  race  who  should  perform  his 
duty  soonest  —  he  arrived  first.  Taking  up  his  canoe 
suddenly,  but  hoping  to  have  a  better  stand  than  the 
shore  presented,  he  set  his  foot  on  a  large  bed  of  moss 
seemingly  firm,  and  sunk  ten  feet  into  as  cold  water, 
while  fluid,  as  was  ever  touched.  We  soon  passed  the 
pond,  found  the  path,  marked  it,  and  came,  at  the  end  of 
several  miles,  to  a  second  pond,  if  my  recollection  serves, 
larger  than  the  former  :  traversing  this,  we  encamped 
more  cautiously  than  ever.  On  the  next  day,  pursuing 
the  path,  and  marking  it,  a  third  pond  of  small  diameter 
was  presented  to  our  view.  Passing  this,  by  the  evening 
we  encamped  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Dead  river. 

This  river,  which  is  nothing  more  than  an  extension 
of  the  Keiinebec,1  is  called  by  this  remarkable  name, 
because  a  current,  a  few  miles  below  the  place  we  were 
now  at,  and  for  many  miles  above  it,  is  imperceptible. 
It  is  deep  and  perhaps  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide. 
The  ground  we  footed  within  the  last  three  days,  is  a 
very  rugged  isthmus,  which  forms  the  great  bend  of  the 
Kennebec.  Coming  from  the  high  ground  towards  the 
Dead  river,  we  passed  a  bog  which  appeared,  before  we 
entered  it,  as  a  beautiful  plat  of  firm  ground,  level  as  a 
bowling  green,  and  covered  by  an  elegant  green  moss. 
That  day,  to  save  my  shoes  for  severer  service,  moc 
casins  had  been  put  in  their  place.  Every  step  we  made, 
sunk  us  knee-deep  in  a  bed  of  wet  turf.  My  feet  were 
pained  and  lacerated  by  the  snags  of  the  dead  pines,  a  foot 
and  more  below  the  surface  of  the  moss  ;  these  and  many 
other  occurrences,  which  happened  afterwards,  con- 


1  The  Dead  river  is  a  western  branch  of  the  Kennebec,  as  will  be 
by  reference  to  the  map. — M, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  25 

vinced  me  more  than  reading  could,  of  the  manner  of 
the  formation  of  turf.  Sometimes,  to  lighten  the  canoes 
when  ascending  strict  water,  several  of  us  would  disem 
bark,  and  proceed  along  shore,  and  on  many  occasions, 
traverse  a  point  of  land  to  save  distance.  Doing  this,  we 
often  met  with  what  we  thought  a  flat  ground  covered 
by  moss.  Entering  the  parterre,  as  it  might  be  called, 
and  running  along  that  which  we  found  to  be  a  log 
covered  with  moss,  the  moisture  on  the  log,  would  cause 
a  foot  to  slip  —  down  we  would  come,  waist  deep  in  a 
bed  of  wet  moss  ;  such  incidents  always  created  a  laugh. 
A  spark,  if  these  beds  of  moss  had  been  dry,  as  they 
were  wet,  would  have  made  a  dreadful  conflagration  :  the 
upper  country  seemed  throughout  as  if  covered  with  it. 
To  the  south  and  west  of  the  bog  first  mentioned,  there 
was  a  natural  meadow  of  great  extent.  On  the  west  it 
reached,  seemingly,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains  several 
miles  oft.  A  beautiful  creek  serpentined  through  it  and 
formed  a  convenient  harbor  and  landing  place,  opposite 
to  our  camp,  and  directly  to  which  the  Indian  path  led  us. 
The  timber  trees  of  this,  are  in  great  measure  different 
from  those  of  our  country.  Here  are  neither  oaks, 
hickories,  poplars,  maples  nor  locusts  ;  but  there  is  a 
great  variety  of  other  kinds  of  excellent  timber,  such  as 
the  white  and  yellow  pines,  hemlock,  cedar,  cypress,  and 
all  the  species  of  the  firs.1  These  trees,  in  the  low 
grounds,  grow  to  a  very  large  size  ;  on  the  hills,  as  we 
approach  northwardly,  they  seem  to  dwindle,  particularly 
as  we  come  to  the  height  of  land  ;  but  again  rise  to  a 
superb  height,  as  we  descend  into  the  intervale,  on  the 
streams  running  into  Canada.  Among  the  trees  of  this 
country,  there  are  two  which  deserve  particular  notice, 
because  of  their  remarkable  qualities.  These  are  the 


1  The  balsam  fir  (pinus  frascri\  overlooked  by  Michaux,  but  differing 
from  the  silver  fir,  was  found  to  be  very  abundant  (Pres.  ALLEN  in  vol.  l, 
Maine  Hist.  Co//.,  1 60).  It  was  this  fir  which  Henry  mentions,  the  liquid 
of  which  he  was  taught  to  gather. —  M. 

3 


26  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

balsam  fir,  Canada  balsam.  Balm  of  Gilead  fir,  or 
bahamum  Cana dense,  pinus  balsomea,  which  produces  the 
purest  turpentine,  and  the  yellowbirch  The  first,  as  its 
vulgar  name  imports,  yields  a  balsamic  liquid,  which  has 
been,  and  perhaps  now  is,  much  esteemed  by  the  medi 
cal  profession.  The  bark  is  smooth,  except  that  there 
are  a  vast  number  of  white  and  lucid  protuberances  upon 
it,  of  the  size  of  a  finger  or  a  thumb  nail,  bulging  from 
the  surface  of  the  bark.  This  tree  grows  to  the  size  of 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  inches  in  diameter.  From  the 
essays  made,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  vial  containing  a  gill 
might  be  filled  in  the  space  of  an  hour.  Getchel,  our 
guide,  taught  me  its  use.  In  the  morning  when  we  rose, 
placing  the  edge  of  a  broad  knife  at  the  underside  of  the 
blister,  and  my  lips  at  the  opposite  part,  on  the  back  of 
the  knife  which  was  declined,  the  liquor  flowed  into  my 
mouth  freely.  It  was  heating  and  cordial  to  the  stomach, 
attended  by  an  agreeable  pungency.  This  practice, 
which  we  adopted,  in  all  likelihood  contributed  to  the 
preservation  of  health.  For  though  much  wet  weather 
ensued,  and  we  lay  often  on  low  and  damp  grofind,  and 
had  very  many  successions  of  cold  atmosphere,  it  does 
not  now  occur  to  me,  that  any  one  of  us  was  assailed  by 
sickness,  during  this  arduous  excursion.  The  yellow 
birch  is  useful  in  many  particular  instances  to  the  natives. 
They  form  the  body  of  the  tree  into  setting-poles, 
paddles,  spoons  and  ladles.  The  bark,  its  better  property, 
serves  as  a  covering  for  the  frame  of  the  canoe,  much 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  Esquimaux  and  Greenlanders 
apply  the  seal  skin.  To  you  it  may  appear  to  be  a  strange 
assertion,  but  to  me  it  seems  true,  that  the  birch-bark 
canoe  is  the  most  ingenions  piece  of  mechanism  man,  in 
a  rude  state,  is  capable  of  performing.  This  bold  idea 
requires  a  disclosure  of  the  means  and  the  manner  of  the 
work,  which  shall  be  done  before  I  leave  the  subject.1 

1  The   birch- bark  canoe,  as  intimated   before,  in   the  body  of  the  work, 
is  not  only  a  curious,  but  a  most  ingenious  machine.      So  far  as  my  descrip- 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  27 

From  the  bark  of  the  yellow-birch  the  Indian  also  forms 
bowls,  and  baskets  of  a  most  beautiful  construction,  and 
it  even  serves  as  a  wrapper  for  any  nice  matter  which  it 
is  wished  to  keep  securely,  much  in  the  manner  we  use 
brown  wrapping-paper.  The  appearance  of  the  yellow 
birch  tree  at  a  distance,  is  conspicuous.  Approaching 
near  it,  in  the  autumn,  it  seems  involved  in  rolls,  some 
thing  resembling  large  circular  rounds  of  parchment,  or 
yellow-paper.  There  is  in  my  mind  no  question,  but  that 
among  a  numerous  and  industrious  people,  such  as  the 

tive  powers  extend,  you  shall  have  its  construction,  described  in  writing 
but  without  the  aid  of  the  pencil  it  seems  to  be  almost  impossible  to  convey- 
to  you  a  just  and  accurate  comprehension  of  the  distinct  parts  of  this 
beautiful  piece  of  water-craft.  Having  had  several  opportunities  to  observe 
the  manner  of  the  formation  of  the  birch-bark  canoe,  in  its  various  stages, 
a  description  of  its  sections  may  not  be  disagreeable  to  you.  In  the  con 
struction  of  the  canoe,  the  bow  and  stern  pieces  are  separate  frames,  alike 
in  dimensions,  and  made  of  cedar,  cypress,  or  any  other  light  wood  ;  yet 
very  light,  and  so  well  or  tightly  bound  by  tenons,  as  to  require  a  considerable 
effort  to  break  them.  These  bow  and  stern  pieces,  suppose  a  canoe  often,, 
or  even  fifty  feet,  are  connected  by  laths,  with  that  which  I  have  called 
gunwales  (gunnels),  correspondent  in  size  with  the  intended  length  of  the 
canoe.  These  gunwales  are  made  from  the  toughest  and  best  of  the  timber 
that  the  country  produces.  The  gunwales  are  strongly  secured  to  the  head 
and  stern  by  tenons  and  the  cedar  root  in  a  most  neat  and  strong  manner. 
The  ribs  of  the  canoe,  according  to  its  size,  are  from  two  to  five  inches  in 
diameter,  of  the  straightest  cedar  or  fir,  without  knots,  closely  fitted  together, 
side  by  side,  and  well  sewed  by  means  of  an  awl  to  the  gunwales.  This 
frame  is  covered  with  the  yellow-birch-rind,  an  eighth,  a  sixth,  or  a  fourth 
of  an- inch  thick.  This  bark,  when  applied  to  canoes,  is  from  two  to  four 
feet  in  length  ;  commensurate  with  the  extension  of  the  bow  and  stern  from 
each  other.  Each  part  of  this  bark,  where  the  seams  meet,  is  nicely  sewed 
together  by  the  split  cedar  root  ;  these  seams  are  then  pitched  over  in  a 
ridge,  by  a  hard  pitch,  in  the  width  of  perhaps  an  inch  or  more,  so  as  to 
make  the  vessel,  truly  that  which  seamen  call  water-tight.  But  to  this 
clumsy  attempt  to  describe  to  you  a  boat,  which  you  have  never  seen,  and 
perhaps  never  will  see,  it  seems  requisite  to  add  another  observation.  The 
bark  which  encircles  the  bottom  of  the  canoe,  is  strongly  attached  to  the 
gunwales  by  cedar  root,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  I  have  seen  you 
threading  wire,  for  the  making  of  artificial  flowers.  This  bark,  thus  pre 
pared  and  applied,  speaking  comparatively  (great  with  small),  is  a  much 
stronger  material,  than  your  thread,  either  of  flax  or  silk.  The  gunwale 
was  as  neatly  laced  by  the  cedar,  and  almost  as  ornamental,  and  equally 
strong  in  texture,  as  the  canes  we  sometimes  see  from  India,  covered  with 
splits  of  rattan,  or  some  other  pliant  plant,  of  southern  growth.  The 


28  Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

Chinese,  this  indigenous  product  would  become  an 
article  of  general  use  in  various  ways.  The  bark,  when 
taken  from  the  tree,  may  be  obtained  lengthwise  of  the 
tree,  from  one  to  four  feet  in  breadth,  and  of  a  length 
equal  to  the  circumference.  It  is  sometimes  white  with 
a  yellowish  cast,  but  more  usually  of  a  pale,  and  some 
times  of  a  deep  gold  color.  It  is  partible,  when  ever  so 
thick,  into  the  most  filmy  sheets.  The  Indians,  for 
canoes,  use  it  of  the  thickness  of  from  a  fourth,  down  to 
the  eighth  of  an  inch,  according  to  the  size  of  the  vessel. 
Curiosity  and  convenience  made  us  reduce  it  often  to  a 


paddles  are  uniformly  made  of  ash,  where  it  can  be  obtained,  but  most 
usually  of  birch,  or  even  of  softer  wood,  in  this  part  of  Canada.  Many  of 
the  paddles  which  I  saw,  were  double-bladed,  that  is  a  blade  at  each  end  of 
the  handle  or  pole,  and  in  the  hands  of  a  strong  person  would  be,  from  its 
formation,  apparently  as  light  as  a  feather.  The  pushing-pole  was  of  the 
same  kind  of  materials,  but  light,  and  if  iron  could  be  had,  was  shod  at  the 
but-end.  The  rapid  and  rocky  rivers  which  those  poor  people,  the  Indians, 
must  ascend  and  descend  in  their  hunting  excursions,  and  which  they  do 
with  inconceivable  dexterity,  requires  a  quickness  of  motion  of  the  body, 
particularly  the  arms,  which  is  truly  astonishing.  The  paddle,  at  this 
moment  used  on  the  right,  and  then  instantly  cast  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
canoe,  requires  a  celerity  of  action  which  none  but  such  as  are  used  to  those 
exercises  dare  undertake.  In  those  instances  the  double-bladed  paddle, 
saves  half  the  time  which  would  be  employed  by  the  single  bladed,  in  these 
arduous  but  necessary  labors.  Activity  and  agility,  from  the  circumstance 
of  the  precariousness  of  an  Indian  life,  and  their  manner  of  subsisting, 
become  in  their  education  a  primary  parental  motive  j  without  those  qualities, 
an  Indian  can  never  acquire  fame,  and  is  often  starved. 

It  often  reexhilerates  my  mind,  when  reflecting  on  the  waywardness  and 
unhappiness  of  my  life,  to  remember  the  occurrences  (July  1773),  i°  a  Part 
of  a  days  journey  from  the  windlass  of  the  old  carrying  place,  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  west  of  Niagara,  by  a  path  which  led  us  to  a  celebrated 
fountain,  a  little  below  the  brow  of  the  hill,  called  Mount  Pleasant,  and 
thence  to  the  falls.  My  youthful  imagination  was  greatly  excited.  The 
company  consisted  of  a  French  gentleman,  my  uncle  John  Henry,  and 
myself.  The  Frenchman  was  a  trader  who  had  but  just  arrived  from  the 
Illinois  country,  and  had  dealt  beyond  the  Mississippi.  When  we  came  to 
Stedman's,  his  canoe,  attended  by  three  or  four  couriers  de  bois,  lay  on  the 
beach  turned  upside  down,  with  an  immense  number  of  packs  of  beaver, 
press-packed,  strewed  around,  perhaps  the  whole  might  have  been  3000  Ib. 
weight.  The  canoe  was  of  birch,  fifty  feet  in'length,  most  beautifully  made, 
its  breadth  was  probably  from  six  to  seven  feet  in  the  middle,  I  examined 
with  a  curiosity,  such  as  a  boy  of  my  age  might  possess. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775.  29 

film,  by  no  means  thicker  or  more  substantial  than  the 
silky  paper  we  obtain  from  India.  It  serves  equally  well 
for  the  pencil  as  paper.  Ink,  however,  flows  upon  it. 
In  the  course  of  time  a  medium  may  be  discovered  to 
preclude  this  inconvenience  —  this  bark  will  preserve 
better  than  paper. 

September  3Oth.  The  company,  not  apprehending  the 
reverses  which  fortune  had  in  store  for  them,  left  the 
encampment  full  of  courage  and  hope,  though  a  strong 
drift  of  snow,  which  whitened  all  the  surrounding  hills, 
had  fallen  during  the  night.  Having  smooth  water,  we 
paddled  away  merrily,  probably  for  thirty  miles. 
Getchel,  besides  his  sheer  wisdom,  possessed  a  large  fund 
of  knowledge  concerning  the  country,  which  he  had 
derived  from  the  aborigines,  and  much  humorous 
anecdote  with  which,  in  spite  of  our  privations,  he  made 
us  laugh.  It  was  omitted  to  be  mentioned  that,  before 
we"  left  our  last  encampment,  it  became  a  resolution  of 
the  whole  party  that  the  pork  in  the  possession  of  each 
one  should  be  eaten  raw,  and  to  eat  but  in  the  morning 
and  evening.  As  we  could  not  obtain  food  in  this 
miserable  portion  of  the  globe,  even  for  money,  if  we 
had  it,  and  having  nothing  else  than  our  arms  and  our 
courage  to  depend  on ;  unacquainted  with  the  true 
distance  of  our  expedition,  for  we  had  neither  map  nor* 
chart,  yet  resolved  to  accomplish  our  orders  at  the 
hazard  of  our  lives — we  prudently  began  to  hoard  our 
provision  ;  half  a  biscuit  and  half  an  inch  square  of  raw 
pork,  became  this  evening's  meal.  The  day's  journey 
brought  us  to  the  foot  of  a  rapid,  which  convinced  us 
that  the  term  Dead  river  was  much  misapplied.  The 
night  was  spent,  not  upon  feathers,  but  the  branches  of 
the  fir  or  the  spruce.  It  would  astonish  you,  my  dear 
children,  if  there  was  leisure  to  explain  to  you,  the  many 
comforts  and  advantages  those  trees  afford  to  the  way 
worn  traveler.  Suffice  it  now  to  say,  we  rested  well. 

October  ist.      The  morning  brought  on  new  labors. 
Our  secondary  guide  and  myself,  thinking  that  we  could 


30  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

manage  the  water,  slipped  into  our  canoe.  Getchel  and 
another  worked  Steele's,  while  our  companions,  crossing 
the  hill,  marked  the  carrying-place.  From  our  camp 
two-thirds  at  least  of  these  rapids  were  concealed  from 
our  view.  In  much  danger,  and  by  great  exertion,  we 
surmounted  them  in  less  than  an  hour.  Taking  in  our 
company,  we  had  good  water  till  the  evening,  when  we 
were  impeded  by  a  precipitate  fall  of  four  feet.  We 
encamped. 

October  2d.  Carrying  here,  we  had  good  water  all 
the  next  day.  Mere  fatigue  and  great  lassitude  of  body, 
most  likely,  in  a  good  measure,  owing  to  the  want  of 
food,  caused  us  to  sleep  well.  From  cautionary  motives 
our  guns,  though  not  uncared  for,  were  considered  as 
useless,  in  the  way  of  obtaining  food.  Several  of  our 
company  angled  successfully  for  trout,  and  a  delicious 
chub,  which  we  call  a  fall  fish.  This  place  became  re 
markable  to  me,  as,  sometime  afterwards,  my  friends 
Gen.  Simpson,1  Robert  Dixon,  and  myself  were  here  at 
the  point  of  death.  This  you  will  find  in  the  sequel. 
Carrying  a  few  perches  around  this  precipice,  we  got 
into  good  water,  and  then  performed  a  severe  day's  labor. 

October  3d.  The  evening  brought  us  to  our  en 
campment,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river.  Angling  was 


1  Michael  Simpson  was  a  native  of  Paxtang,  Penn.,  born  about  1740. 
He  entered  the  company  of  Capt.  Matthew  Smith,  of  Paxtang,  as  second 
lieutenant,  his  commission  bearing  date  June  25,  1775.  At  the  time  of  the 
assault  upon  Quebec  he  was,  by  order  of  Arnold,  in  command  as  lieutenant 
at  the  isle  of  Orleans.  After  the  termination  of  the  attack  on  Quebec  he 
returned  with  the  remnant  of  the  army.  On  the  istof  Dec.,  1776,  he  was 
appointed  captain  in  Col.  Thompson's  regiment.  He  served  in  the  battles  of 
Trenton,  Princeton,  Brandywine,  and  White  Plains.  Also  served  in  Sullivan's 
campaign  against  the  Northern  Indians  in  1779,  but  upon  the  consolidation 
of  the  regiments  he  was  retired  in  Jan.  1781.  After  the  close  of  the  war  he 
married,  removed  to  his  farm  two  miles  below  Harrisburgh  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Susquehanna.  He  died  June  I,  1813,  at  the  age  of  73,  and  lies  in 
the  grave  yard  at  Paxtang  church.  The  general  was  possessed  of  amiable 
qualities,  was  a  warm  friend,  kind,  liberal  and  obliging  (Letter  from  Dr. 
Ogle}.  His  death  is  mentioned  in  Drake's  Biog.  Dictionary  as  having 
occurred  15  June,  1813,  aged  80.  —  M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  31 

resorted  to  for  food.  Sergeant  Boyd,  observing  low 
ground  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  an  uncommon 
coldness  in  the  water,  passed  over,  and  in  an  hour  returned 
with  a  dozen  trout  of  extraordinary  appearance,  long, 
broad  and  thick.  The  skin  was  of  a  very  dark  hue, 
beautifully  sprinkled  with  deep  crimson  spots.  Boyd 
had  caught  these  in  a  large  and  deep  spring-head.1  Con 
trasting  them  with  those  we  caught  in  the  river,  they 
were  evidently  of  a  different  species.  The  river  trout 
were  of  a  pale  ground,  with  pink  spots,  and  not  so  flat 
or  broad. 

October  4th.  The  next  day,  proceeding  onward,  we 
here  and  there  met  with  rough  water.  In  the  evening 
we  were  told  that  on  the  next  day  we  probably  should 
arrive  at  the  camp  of  Natanis,  an  Indian,  whom  our 
commander  was  instructed  to  capture  or  kill.  Natanis 
was  well  known  to  the  white  inhabitants  of  the  lower 
country  :  they  knew  from  him  the  geographical  position 
of  his  residence.  The  uninstructed  Indian,  if  he  pos 
sesses  goo*d  sense,  necessarily  from  his  wanderings  as  a 
hunter,  becomes  a  geographer.  This  good  man  (as  we 
subsequently  knew  him  to  be),  had  been  wrongfully 
accused  to  Arnold,  as  a  spy,  stationed  on  this  river  to 
give  notice  to  the  British  government  of  any  party  pass 
ing  this  way  into  Canada  :  hence  that  cruel  order.  We 
landed  some  miles  below  where  we  supposed  his  house 
was.  Our  canoes  were  brought  upon  the  shore,  and 
committed  to  the  care  of  two  of  the  party.  We  arrived 
at  the  house  of  Natanis,  after  a  march,  probably  of  three 
miles,  over  a  flat  country  covered  with  pines,  etc.  Ap 
proaching  on  all  sides  with  the  utmost  circumspection, 
we  ran  quickly  to  the  cabin,  our  rifles  prepared,  and  in 
full  belief  that  we  had  caught  Natanis.  Some  were 


1  This  peculiarity  of  the  trout  is  said  to  be  common  in  deep  water  5  ex 
posure  to  light  affecting  the  color  and  structure  of  the  fish.  This  is  ven 
tured  upon  the  remark  of  a  trout  fisherman  without  having  given  the  subject 
investigation. —  M. 


j  2  Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

persuaded,  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred  yards  from  the 
place,  that  they  saw  the  smoke  of  his  fire.  But  the 
bird  was  flown.  He  was  wiser  and  more  adroit  than 
his  assailants,  as  you  will  afterwards  learn.  The  house 
was  prettily  placed  on  a  bank  twentv  feet  high,  about 
twenty  yards  from  the  river,  and  a  grass  plat  extended 
around,  at  more  than  shooting  distance  for  a  rifle,  free 
from  timber  and  brushwood.  The  house,  for  an  Indian 
cabi^  was  clean  and  tight,  with  two  doors,  one  fronting 
the  river,  the  other  on  the  opposite  side.  We  found 
many  articles  of  Indian  fabrication,  evidently  such  as 
would  not  be  totally  abandoned  by  the  owner  :  besides, 
it  was  remarked,  that  the  coals  on  the  hearth,  from  their 
appearance,  had  been  burning  at  least  within  a  week 
past.  These  notions  did  not  allay  our  apprehensions  of 
meeting  with  Indian  enemies.  The  canoes,  in  the 
meantime,  having  been  brought  up,  we  embarked  and 
proceeded  with  alacrity. 

This  afternoon,  in  a  course  of  some  miles,  we  came 
to  a  stream  flowing  from  the  west,  or  rather  the  northwest. 
As  we  were  going  along  in  uncertainty,  partly  inclined 
to  take  the  westerly  stream,  one  of  the  party  fortunately 
saw  a  strong  stake,  which  had  been  driven  down  at  the 
edge  of  the  water,  with  a  piece  of  neatly  fplded  birch- 
bark,  inserted  into  a  split  at  the  top.  The  bark,  as  it 
was  placed,  pointed  up  the  westerly  stream,  which  at  its 
mouth  seemed  to  contain  more  water  than  that  of  our 
true  course.  Our  surprise  and  attention  were  much 
heightened,  when  opening  the  bark,  we  perceived  a  very 
perfect  delineation  of  the  streams  above  us,  with  several 
marks  which  must  have  denoted  the  hunting  camps,  or 
real  abodes  of  the  map  maker.  There  were  some  lines, 
in  a  direction  from  the  head  of  one  branch  to  that  of 
another,  which  we  took  to  be  the  course  of  the  paths 
which  the  Indians  intended  to  take  that  season.  This 
map  we  attributed  to  Natanis  ;  if  not  his,  to  his  brother 
Sabatis,  who,  as  we  afterwards  knew,  lived  about  seven 
miles  up  this  westerly  stream.  For  when  our  party, 


Campaign  against  Quebec y  1775.  33 

after  returning  to  the  twelve  mile  carrying-place,  had 
again  reascended  the  river,  we  were  told,  by  the  crew  of 
one  of  Morgan's  boats,  that  they  had  mistaken  the 
westerly  stream  as  the  due  route,  and  had  found  deserted 
cabins  at  the  distance  already  mentioned,  and  the  property 
of  the  late  inhabitants  placed  in  a  kind  of  close  cages, 
made  of  birch-bark,  in  the  forks  of  the  trees  ;  these  they 
most  iniquitously  plundered.  Venison,  corn,  kettles, 
etc.,  were  the  product.  Inspecting  the  map  thus  acquired, 
we  pursued  our  journey  fearlessly.  Now  the  river 
became  narrower  and  shallower.  The  strength  of  each 
of  us  was  exerted  at  poling  or  paddling  the  canoes.  Some 
strict  water  interfered,  but  in  a  few  days  we  came  to  the 
first  pond,  at  the  head  of  the  Dead  river. 

October  yth.  This  first  pond,  in  the  course  of  the 
traverse  we  made,  might  be  about  a  mile,  or  a  little  more, 
in  diameter.  Here,  on  a  small  island,  scarcely  contain 
ing  one-fourth  of  an  acre,  we  discovered  and  ate  a 
delicious  species  of  cranberry,  entirely  new  to  us.  It 
grew  upon  a  bush  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  high,  the  stock 
of  the  thickness  of  the  thumb,  and  the  fruit  was  as  large 
as  a  may-duke  cherry.1  In  the  course  of  one  or  two 
miles,  we  reached  a  second  pond.  Between  this  pond 
and  the  third,  we  carried  ;  the  communication,  though 
not  long,  was  too  shallow  for  our  canoes.  The  carrying- 
place  was  excessively  rugged,  and  in  high  water  formed 
a  part  of  the  bed  of  the  stream.  The  country  around 
us  had  now  become  very  mountainous  and  rough. 
Several  of  these  mountains  seemed  to  stand  on  insulated 
bases,  and  one  in  particular,  formed  a  most  beautiful 
cone,  of  an  immense  height.  We  rested  for  the  evening. 

October  8th.  Being  near  the  height  of  land  which 
divides  the  waters  of  New-England  from  those  of 
Canada,  which  run  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  weather 


1  This  was  doubtless  the  acid  fruit  of  "viburnum  oxycoccus,  which  I  found 
on  the  river  De  Loup,  a  branch  of  the  Chaudiere,  in  Sept.,  1824  (Pres. 
ALLEN,  in  Me.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i,  507). —  M. 


3  4  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

in  consequence  of  the  approaching  winter,  had  become 
piercingly  cold.  My  wardrobe  was  scanty  and  light. 
It  consisted  of  a  roundabout  jacket,  of  woolen,  a  pair  of 
half  worn  buckskin  breeches,  two  pair  of  woolen  stock 
ings  (bought  at  Newburyport),  a  hat  with  a  feather,  a 
hunting-shirt,  leggings,  a  pair  of  moccasins,  and  a  pair  of 
tolerably  good  shoes,  which  had  been  closely  hoarded. 

We  set  out  early,  yet  jovially.  We  entered  a  lake 
surrounded  by  high  and  craggy  mountains,  and  per 
pendicular  rocks  of  very  considerable  altitude,  which 
about  eleven  o'clock,  A.M.,  cast  us  into  a  dusky  shade. 
Pulling  the  paddle,  as  for  life,  to  keep  myself  warm, 
some  trifling  observation  which  fell  from  me,  relative  to 
the  place  we  were  in,  such  as  its  resemblance  to  the 
vale  of  death,  which  drew  the  attention  of  the  company  : 
Getchel,  in  his  dry  way,  turning  toward  me,  said, 
"  Johnny,  you  look  like  a  blue  leather  whet  stone." 
The  simplicity  and  oddity  of  the  expression,  and  the 
gravity  of  his  manner,  caused  great  merriment  at  my 
expense  ;  it  was  enjoyed  on  my  part,  certain  that  it  was 
not  an  expression  of  disesteem,  but  affection,  for  the 
man  liked  me.  These  minim  tales  and  jejune  occur 
rences  are  related  to  convey  to  your  minds  an  idea,  how 
men  of  true  spirit  will  beard  death  in  every  shape,  even, 
at  times,  with  laughter,  to  effectuate  a  point  of  duty 
which  is  considered  as  essential  to  the  welfare  of  their 
country.  Thus  we  went  on,  incessantly  laboring,  with 
out  sustenance,  until  we  came,  about  three  o'clock,  to 
the  extreme  end  of  a  fifth  and  the  last  lake.  This  day's 
voyage  might  amount  to  fifteen  or  twenty  miles.1 

1  In  the  fall  of  1858  a  young  man  passing  up  the  Dead-river  valley  and 
across  the  chain  of  ponds,  the  head  of  the  river,  landing  at  the  Arnold 
trails,  found  by  the  side  of  the  trail  between  the  Dead-river  waters  and  the 
Chaudiere,  the  remains  of  an  old  musket,  apparently  having  been  left 
standing  against  a  tree,  where  it  had  rotted  down.  The  stock  was  entirely 
gone,  and  the  barrel  and  mountings  had  fallen  down  together  at  the  foot 
of  the  tree.  It  is  conjectured  that  the  musket  had  been  left  there  by  one 
of  Arnold's  soldiers,  and  the  barrel  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Co 
lumbus  Steward,  of  North  Anson,  Maine,  who  says  that  the  Arnold  trail 


Campaign  against  Quebec 3  1775.  35 

On  this  lake  we  obtained  a  full  view  of  those  hills 
which  were  then,  and  are  now,  called  the  height  of 
land.  It  made  an  impression  upon  us  that  was  really 
more  chilling  than  the  air  which  surrounded  us.  We 
hurried  ashore,  drew  out  our  canoes,  and  covered  them 
with  leaves  and  brush-wood.  This  done,  with  our  arms 
in  our  hands,  and  our  provision  in  our  pockets,  we  made 
a  race  across  the  mountain,  by  an  Indian  path,  easily 
ascertainable,  until  we  arrived  on  the  bank  of  the  Chau- 
diere  river.  The  distance  is  about  five  miles,  counting 
the  rising  and  descent  of  the  hill  as  two.  This  was  the 
acme  of  our  desires.  To  discover  and  know  the  course 
of  this  river,  was  the  extent  of  our  orders  :  beyond  it,  we 
had  nothing  to  do.  Our  chief,  wishing  to  do  every 
thing  a  good  officer  could,  to  forward  the  service,  asked, 
if  any  one  could  climb  a  tree,  around  the  foot  of  which 
we  then  stood  ?  It  was  a  pine  .of  considerable  height, 
without  branches  for  forty  feet  •,  Robert  Cunningham,  a 
strong  athletic  man,  about  twenty-five  years  old,  pre 
sented  himself.  In  almost  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  he 


on  the  divide  as  it  is  called,  between  the  head  waters  of  Dead  river  and  the 
Chaudiere  is  still  easily  followed,  and  is  often  passed  over  by  lumbermen 
and  hunters.  The  following  appeared  in  the  Maire  Farmer  in  1877  :  — M. 

"  A  Centennial  Relic.  Mr.  Sheppard  Harville  of  Lincolnville,  has  in  his 
possession  a  French  rifle  gun  barrel,  that  he  found  over  thirty  years  ago, 
on  Dead  river  at  the  foot  of  Arnold's  falls,  so  called  from  the  fact  of  its 
being  on  the  route  that  Arnold  marched  with  his  army,  through  the 
wilderness  to  Point  Levi,  Quebec.  It  is  one  of  the  numerous  falls  by  which 
he  was  obliged  to  carry  his  bateaux  5  Skowhig  falls,  Skowhegan  ;  Bom— 
bazee  falls.  Norridgewock  ;  Carratunk  falls,  Solon  ;  and  Hurricane  falls, 
near  White's  ferry,  Dead  river. 

Arnold's  falls  are  a  few  miles  below  Flagstaff  village,  where  Arnold 
raised  his  ag.  He  then  sent  Sergeant  Bigelow  and  a  few  chosen  men  up 
on  a  high  mountain,  near  by,  to  see  if  they  could  discover  settlements  in 
Canada  ;  hence  the  name,  Mt.  Bigelow. 

"  Mr.  Harville  then  of  Solon,  Charles  Folsom  and  others  of  Skowhegan, 
Hartly  Green  and  Asa  Green  of  Dead  river,  were  driving  logs  for  Captain 
John  Wheeler  of  Skowhegan.  Hartly  and  Asa  Green  being  the  boatmen 
on  the  drive  near  where  this  gun  barrel  was  found  by  Mr.  Harville. 
When  discovered  by  him  on  the  trail  near  the  falls,  it  was  resting  against 
a  rock.  The  stock  had  entirely  rotted  off;  and  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
left  there  by  one  of  Arnold's  men  one  hundred  years  ago  last  September." 


36  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

climbed  the  tree.  He  fully  discerned  the  meandering 
course  of  the  river,  as  upon  a  map,  and  even  descried 
the  lake  Chaudiere,  at  the  distance  of  fourteen  or  fifteen 
miles.  The  country  around  and  between  us  and  the  lake 
was  flat.  Looking  westward,  he  observed  a  smoke  ;  in 
timating  this  to  us,  from  the  tree  where  he  sat,  we 
plainly  perceived  it.  Cunningham  came  down  ;  the  sun 
was  setting  seemingly  in  a  clear  sky. 

Now  our  return  commenced.  It  so  occurred,  that  I 
was  in  the  rear,  next  to  Getchel,  who  brought  it  up. 
We  ran  in  single  file,  and  while  it  was  light,  it  was 
observed  by  me,  as  we  tried  to  stride  into  the  footsteps 
of  the  leader,  that  he  covered  the  track  with  his  feet ; 
this  was  no  mean  duty.  It  required  the  courage,  the 
vigor,  and  the  wisdom,  which  designates  genuine  man 
hood.  Our  object  was  to  be  concealed  from  a  know 
ledge  of  any  one  who  might  communicate  our  presence 
there,  to  the  Canadian  government.  The  race  was 
urged,  and  became  more  rapid  by  the  indications  of  a 
most  severe  storm  of  rain  ;  we  had  scarcely  more  than 
gotten  half  way  up  the  hill,  when  the  shower  came  down 
in  most  tremendous  torrents.  The  night  became  dark 
as  pitch  ;  we  groped  the  way  across  the  ridge,  and  in 
descending,  relied  on  the  accuracy  of  our  leader,  we 
continued  with  speed.  The  precipice  was  very  steep  ; 
a  root,  a  twig,  perhaps,  caught  the  buckle  of  my  shoe  : 
tripped,  I  came  down  head  foremost,  unconscious  how 
far,  but  perhaps  twenty  or  thirty  feet.  How  my  gun 
remained  unbroken,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  When  I 
recovered,  it  was  in  my  hands.  My  companions  had 
outstripped  me.  Stunned  by  the  fall,  feeling  for  the 
path  with  my  feet,  my  arrival  at  the  canoe-place  was 
delayed,  till  ten  at  night,  an  hour  and  more  later  than  my 
friends.  An  erection  called  a  tent,  but  more  correctly 
a  wigwam,  was  made  in  the  hurry  with  forks,  and  cross- 
poles,  covered  by  the  branches  of  fir.  It  rained  inces 
santly  all  that  night.  If  the  clothes  we  wore  had  been 
dry,  they  would  have  become  wet  —  so  we  laid  down  in 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  37 

all  those  we  had  on.  Sleep  came  to  my  eyes,  notwith 
standing  the  drippings  of  the  pelting  storm,  through  the 
humble  roof. 

October  Qth.  We  arose  before  day.  The  canoes 
were  urged  suddenly  into  the  water,  it  still  rained  hard, 
and  at  daylight  we  thought  of  breakfasting.  Gracious 
God  !  what  was  our  fare  ?  What  could  we  produce  for 
such  a  feast  ?  Rummaging  my  breeches  pockets,  I  found 
a  solitary  biscuit  and  an  inch  of  pork.  Half  of  the 
biscuit  was  devoted  to  the  breakfast,  and  so  also  by  each 
person,  and  that  was  consumed  in  the  canoes  as  we 
paddled  over  the  lake.  The  rain  had  raised  the  lake, 
and  consequently  the  outlets  about  four  feet.  We  slided 
glibly  along,  over  passages  where  a  few  days  previously 
we  had  carried  our  canoes.  At  the  outlet  of  the  fourth 
lake,  counting  as  we  came  up,  a  small  duck  appeared 
within  shooting  distance.  It  was  a  diver,  well  known 
in  our  country  —  a  thing  which  we  here  contemn. 
Knowing  the  value  of  animal  food,  in  our  predicament, 
several  of  us  fired  at  the  diver  :  Jesse  Wheeler,  however 
(who  all  acknowledged  as  an  excellent  shot),  struck  it 
with  his  ball.  A  shout  of  joy  arose  —  the  little  diver 
was  safely  deposited  in  our  canoe.  We  went  on  quickly, 
without  accident,  till  the  evening,  probably  traversing  a 
space  of  more  than  forty  miles.  At  night-fall  we  halted, 
weary  and  without  tasting  food  since  morning.  Boyd 
and  Cunningham,  who  were  right-hand  men  on  most 
occasions,  soon  kindled  a  fire  against  a  fallen  tree.  An 
occurrence  this  evening  took  place,  which  my  dear 
children  you  will  hardly  credit,  but  which  (permit  me  to 
assure  you  )  is  sacredly  true  ;  the  company  sat  them 
selves  gloomily  around  this  fire.  The  cooks,  according 
to  routine  (  whether  our  chief  or  others),  picked  the  duck, 
and  when  picked  and  gutted,  it  was  brought  to  the  fire 
side.  Here  it  became  a  question  how  to  make  the  most 
of  our  stock  of  provisions.  Finally  it  was  concluded  to 
boil  the  duck  in  our  camp-kettle,  together  with  each 
man's  bit  of  pork,  distinctively  marked  by  running  a 
4 


3 8  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

small  skewer  of  wood  through  it,  with  his  particular  and 
private  designation.  That  the  broth  thus  formed  should 
be  the  supper,  and  the  duck  on  the  ensuing  morning 
should  be  the  breakfast,  and  which  should  be  distributed 
by  "  whose  shall  be  this."  Strange  as  this  tale  may  ap 
pear  to  you,  in  these  times-,  the  agreement  was  religiously 
performed.  Being  young,  my  appetite  was  ravenous, 
as  that  of  a  wolf,  but  honor  bound  the  stomach  tightly. 

We  rose  early  and  each  person  selected  his  bit  of 
pork,  which  made  but  a  single  mouthful ;  there  was  no 
controversy.  The  diver  was  parted  most  fairly,  into  ten 
shares,  each  one  eyeing  the  integrity  of  the  division. 
Lieutenant  Steele  causing  the  turning  of  the  back,  the 
lottery  gave  me  a  victory  over  my  respectable  friend 
Cunningham.  His  share,  was  the  head  and  the  feet, 
mine  one  of  the  thighs.  Hungry  arid  miserable  as  we 
were,  even  this  was  sport  to  our  thoughtless  minds.  In 
fact,  we  were  sustained  by  a  flattering  hope  that  we 
should  soon  meet  our  friends,  the  army. 

October  loth.  Setting  out  early,  by  the  evening  we 
made  nearly  fifty  miles.  The  bit  of  pork  and  the  rest 
of  the  biscuit  became  my  supper.  My  colleagues  were 
similarly  situated.  The  morning  sun  saw  us  without 
any  food.  We  did  not  despond.  The  consolatory  idea, 
that  on  that,  or  the  next  day,  we  should  certainly  join 
the  army,  infused  energy  into  our  minds  and  bodies. 
Yet  being  without  food,  though  we  loved  each  other, 
every  endearment  which  binds  man  to  man  was,  as  it 
were,  forgotten  in  a  profound  silence.  After  a  long 
day's  journey  still  we  were  supperless. 

i  ith.  The  succeeding  morning,  starting  early,  we  ran 
at  a  monstrous  rate.  The  waters  by  additional  rains 
above,  had  risen  greatly.  By  ten  or  eleven  o'clock  A.M., 
we  observed  a  great  smoke  before  us,  which  from  its 
extent,  we  could  ascribe  to  nothing  else,  than  the  en 
campment  of  the  army,  our  friends  and  fellow  soldiers. 
After  some  time  the  light  canoe,  several  hundred  yards 
before  us  (with  Steele  and  Getchel  in  it),  passed  between 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  39 

the  forks  of  a  tree,  which  lay  rooted  in  the  middle  of 
the  stream,  where  most  likely  it  had  lain  for  many  years. 
All  its  branches  had  been  worn  away  by  the  annual  fric 
tions  of  the  ice  or  waters,  except  those  which  formed 
the  fork,  and  those  stood  directly  against  the  current, 
nearly  a  foot  out  of  water,  and  ten  or  more  feet  apart. 
Seeing  our  friends  pass  through  safely,  and  being  uncon-. 
scious  that  we  were  worse  cr  less  adventurous  watermen 
than  they  were,  we  risked  it.  We  ran  with  great  ve 
locity.  My  good  Irishman  steered.  By  an  unlucky 
stroke  of  some  one  of  our  paddles  (for  each  of  us  had 
one),  but  from  his  situation  and  power  over  the  vessel  it 
was  fairly  attributable  to  the  steersman,  the  canoe  was 
thrown  a  little  out  of  its  true  course,  just  as  it  was  en 
tering  the  prongs  of  the  fork.  Trifling  as  this  may  appear 
to  you,  to  us  it  was  the  signal  of  death.  One  of  the 
prongs  took  the  right  hand  side  of  the  canoe,  within  six 
inches  of  the  bow,  immediately  below  the  gunwale. 
Quick  as  lightning  that  side  of  the  canoe  was  laid  open 
from  stem  to  stern,  and  water  was  gushing  in  upon  us, 
which  would  inevitably  have  sunk  us  in  a  second  of  time, 
but  for  that  interference  of  Providence,  which  is  atheist- 
ically  called  presence  of  mind,  otherwise  a  host  of  men 
could  not  have  saved  us  from  a  watery  grave.  Instinct 
ively  leaning  to  the  left,  we  sunk  the  gunwale  of  that 
side  down  to  the  water's  edge,  by  which  we  raised  the 
broken  side  an  inch  and  more  out  of  it.  Calling  loudly 
to  our  companions  ahead,  they  soon  saw  our  distress  and 
put  in,  at  the  great  smoke.  Carefully  and  steadily  sit 
ting,  and  gently  paddling,  many  hundred  yards,  we  landed 
safely.  Here  was  no  army,  no  friends,  no  food,  only  a 
friendly  fire,  kindled  by  ourselves  as  we  ascended  the 
river  ;  it  had  been  our  camp.  The  fire  we  had  made 
had  scarcely  more  than  smoked,  but  now  it  had  crept 
into  the  turfy  soil,  and  among  the  roots  of  trees,  and  was 
spread  over  half  an  acre.  Our  situation  was  truly  hor 
rible.  When  we  had  examined  the  broken  canoe,  and 
had  rummaged  both  for  the  means  of  mending  it,  every 


40  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

heart  seemed  dismayed.  Our  birch-bark  and  pitch  had 
been  exhausted  in  former  repairs,  we  were  without  food, 
perhaps  one  hundred  miles  from  the  army,  or  perhaps 
that  army  had  returned  to  New  England.  That  sensa 
tion  of  the  mind  called  the  horrors,  seemed  to  prevail. 
Getchel  alone  was  really  sedate  and  reflective.  He 
ordered  the  other  guide  to  search  for  birch  bark,  whilst 
he  would  look  among  the  pines  for  turpentine.  We  fol 
lowed  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  worthies,  according 
to  our  inclinations,  and  soon  returned  with  those  desira 
ble  materials.  The  cedar  root  was  in  plenty  under  our 
feet.  Now  a  difficulty  occurred,  which  had  been  unfore 
seen,  and  which  was  seemingly  destructive  of  all  hope. 
This  was  the  want  of  fat  or  oil  of  every  kind,  with 
which  to  make  the  turpentine  into  pitch.  A  lucky 
thought  occurred  to  the  youngest  of  the  company,  that 
the  pork  bag  lay  empty  and  neglected,  in  one  of  the 
canoes.  The  thought  and  the  act  of  bringing  it  were 
instantaneous.  The  bag  was  ripped,  and  as  if  it  had 
been  so  much  gold  dust,  we  scraped  from  it  about  a  pint 
of  dirty  fat.  Getchel  now  prepared  an  abundance  of 
pitch.  The  cedar  root  gave  us  twine.  The  canoe  was 
brought  up  to  the  fire.  We  found  every  rib,  except  a 
few  at  the  extreme  points,  actually  torn  from  the  gun 
wale.  All  hands  set  to  work  —  two  hours  afterwards 
the  canoe  was  borne  to  the  water. 

We  embarked,  and  proceeding  cautiously,  as  we 
thought,  along  the  shore  (for  we  dared  not  yet,  with  our 
craggy  vessel,  venture  into  deep  water),  a  snag,  standing 
up  stream,  struck  through  the  bottom  of  the  canoe. 
This  accident  happened  about  five  hundred  yards  from 
the  fire.  We  put  back  with  heavy  hearts  and  great 
difficulty  —  our  friends  followed.  It  took  an  hour  to 
patch  the  gap.  The  cup  of  sorrow  was  not  yet  full. 
As  the  men  were  bearing  the  wounded  canoe  to  the 
water,  Sergeant  Boyd  who  paddled  in  the  small  canoe, 
which  was  drawn  up  as  usual,  taking  hold  of  the  bow 
raised  it  waist  high  (as  was  right)  intending  to  slide  it 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  41 

gently  into  the  water  —  the  bank  was  steep  and  slippery. 
Oh  !  my  dear  children,  you  cannot  conceive  the  dread 
and  horror  the  succeeding  part  of  this  scene  produced 
in  our  minds  :  Mr.  Boyd's  own  feet  slipped  — the  canoe 
fell  from  his  hands  —  its  own  weight  falling  upon  the 
cavity  formed  by  the  declivity  of  the  bank  and  the 
water  —  broke  it  in  the  center,  into  two  pieces,  and  which 
were  held  together  by  nothing  but  the  gunwales.  Now 
absolute  despair  for  the  first  time  seized  me.  A  thought 
came  across  my  mind,  that  the  Almighty  had  destined 
us  to  die  of  hunger,  in  this  inhospitable  wilderness.  The 
recollection  of  my  parents,  my  brothers  and  sister,  and 
the  clandestine  and  cruel  manner  of  my  deserting  them, 
drew  from  me  some  hidden,  yet  burning  tears,  and  much 
mental  contrition.  This  was  unknown,  unseen  and  un 
heard  of  by  any,  but  he  who  is  present  everywhere,  knows 
everything,  and  sees  our  inmost  thoughts.  Getchel 
(comparing  small  things  with  great,  who  much  resembled 
Homer's  description  of  Ulysses,  in  his  person,  and  whose 
staid  and  sober  wisdom  and  foresight,  also  bore  a  like 
ness  to  the  talents  of  that  hero),  resigned,  yet  thoughtful 
and  active,  instantly  went  to  work.  The  canoe  was 
brought  to  the  fire  and  placed  in  a  proper  posture  for  the 
operation.  The  lacerated  parts  were  neatly  brought 
together,  and  sewed  with  cedar  root.  A  large  ridge  of 
pitch,  as  is  customary  in  the  construction  of  this  kind  of 
water  craft,  was  laid  over  the  seam  to  make  it  water 
tight.  Over  the  seam  a  patch  of  strong  bark  a  foot  in 
width,  and  of  a  length  sufficient  to  encircle  the  bottom 
even  to  the  gunwales,  was  sewed  down  at  the  edges  and 
pitched.  Again  over  the  whole  of  the  work,  it  was 
thought  prudent  to  place  our  pork  bag  which  was  well 
saturated  with  liquid  fat.  It  was  a  full  yard  wide,  and 
was  laid  down  in  the  same  manner.  This  work  which 
was  laborious  nearly  consumed  the  rest  of  the  day. 

We  set  out  notwithstanding  the  lateness  of  the  hour, 
and  would  it  is  likely  have  gone  all  night,  well  knowing 
the  water  below  to  be  good,  but  for  an  enlivening  occur- 


42  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

rence  which  soon  after  happened.  Hunger  drove  us 
along  at  a  cautious  but  rapid  rate.  The  sterility  of  the 
country  about  had  afforded  us  no  game,  neither  moose, 
bear  nor  wolf:  nothing  in  short,  but  the  diver  and  a 
red  pine  squirrel  which  was  too  small  and  quick  to  be 
killed  by  a  bullet.  These  squirrels  did  not  much  exceed 
in  size  our  striped  ground  squirrel.  About  dusk  the 
lieutenant's  canoe,  four  hundred  yards  before  us,  had 
within  view  turned  a  sharp  point  of  land,  when  we  heard 
the  crack  of  a  rifle,  and  presently  another  and  a  huzza. 
Apprehending  an  attack  from  an  enemy,  we  pulled  hard 
to  be  enabled  to  sustain  our  friends.  In  a  moment  or 
two,  observing  them  pulling  for  the  north  shore  which 
was  steep,  we  looked  up  it  for  the  enemy.  Good 
Heavens  !  what  a  sight  !  We  saw  a  moose-deer,  falling 
on  the  top  of  the  bank.  A  cry  of  exultation  seemed  to 
burst  the  narrow  valley  of  the  river.  Steele  had  struck 
the  deer  in  the  flank,  as  it  was  leaving  the  water,  but  it 
sprung  up  the  bank  with  agility.  Wheeler,  with  better 
fortune  for  us  all,  pierced  its  heart  as  it  arrived  at  the  top. 
Seeing  this  you  can  scarcely  imagine  the  celerity  of  our 
movements.  We  were  ashore  in  a  moment.  A  fire 
was  kindled,  the  secondary  guide  cut  off  the  nose,  and 
upper  lip  of  the  animal,  instantly,  and  had  it  on  the  fire. 
What  a  feast  !  But  we  were  prudent.  We  sat  up  all 
night,  selecting  the  fat  and  the  tit-bits  —  frying,  boiling, 
roasting,  and  broiling,  but  carefully  eating  little  at  a  time. 
Towards  morning,  we  slept  a  few  hours,  absolutely  care 
less  of  consequences.  We  knew  that  we  had  arrived  in 
a  land  where  game  was  plentiful,  and  where  there  were 
no  foes  superior  to  our  number,  to  oppose  us. 

October  12.  We  rose  after  sunrise,  and  began,  ac 
cording  to  practice,  to  examine  and  prepare  our  guns. 
Prepared,  mine  was  placed  against  a  tree;  my  duty,  in 
course,  was  of  the  culinary  kind.  George  Merchant, 
my  coadjutor,  had  gone  to  the  river  for  water.  He  ran 
back,  seized  his  own  gun,  and  intimated  that  a  bull 
moose  was  swimming  across  the  river  towards  the  camp. 


Campaign  against  gtuebec,  1775.  43 

We  jumped  to  our  arms  —  it  so  happened  that  my  station 
was  rearward.  The  enormous  animal  was  coming 
towards  us,  and  not  more  than  fifty  paces  off,  his  head 
and  horns  only  above  water.  The  sight  was  animating. 
Wheeler  and  some  others  fired  at  his  head,  but  without 
effect.  The  extreme  desire  they  had  to  possess  so  noble 
a  prey,  probably  caused  'a  tremor  of  the  hand,  or  that 
part  of  his  body  was  impenetrable  to  our  small  balls, 
which  is  most  likely.  The  moose  turned  and  swam  to 
the  opposite  bank.  Having  got  to  the  verge  of  the 
river,  his  emerging  was  awaited.  My  ball  struck  pre 
cisely  where  it  ought  to  kill.  The  huge  animal  rose 
the  bank  by  several  boggling  leaps,  but  seemed  un 
knowing  which  way  to  run  —  we  thought  he  would  fall. 
Wheeler,  and  some  others,  getting  into  the  canoes,  pur 
sued  him  by  his  blood  half  a  mile.  When  Wheeler 
returned,  he  overloaded  me  with  praises  for  the  accuracy 
of  the  shot,  and  was  confident  that  the  deer  was  killed. 
We  had  no  time  to  spare.  We  feasted  till  noon,  and  in 
the  intermediate  moments,  culled  the  entrails  for  the  fat  j 
we  even  broke  the  bones,  and  extracted  the  marrow, 
under  the  full  persuasion  that  food  of  an  oily  nature  is 
one  of  the  strongest  mainstays  of  human  life.  Of  this 
principle,  if  we  had  a  doubt,  we  were  shortly  after 
wards  most  irrefragably  convinced.  We  departed  from 
our  camp  joyously,  untortured  by  the  fear  of  starving  ; 
our  canoe  sunk  deep  by  the  weight  of  our  venison. 
Running  some  miles  and  suddenly  doubling  a  point,  we 
saw  a  large  grey  wolf  sitting  on  his  haunches  ;  he  was 
fired  at,  but  the  distance  was  too  great  ;  he  escaped. 
Looking  down  the  river  we  saw  a  moose  swimming  from 
the  main  to  an  island  ;  it  was  soon  brought  down.  It 
proved  to  be  young,  of  about  300  weight.  Its  ears  and 
flanks  were  much  torn  by  the  wolf.  This  prize  consti 
tuted  veal  in  our  larder.  The  choice  parts  were  deposited 
in  the  canoes,  the  residue  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  wolf. 
October  I3th,  the  following  morning,  embarking  early, 
after  noon  we  arrived  at  our  first  encamping  ground  on 


44  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

the  Dead  river,  in  good  health  and  spirits  ;  though  pallid 
and  weak,  for  the  want  of  substantial  food  in  due  quantity. 

By  this  time  the  fat  and  marrow  of  the  animals  we 
had  killed  were  exhausted,  and  our  stock  of  salt  had  been 
long  since  expended.  One  who  has  never  been  deprived 
of  bread  and  salt,  nor  known  the  absence  of  oleaginous 
substances  in  his  food,  cannot  make  a  true  estimate  of 
the  invaluable  benefits  of  such  ingredients,  in  the  susten- 
tation  of  the  bodily  frame  ;  nor  of  the  extremity  of  our 
corporeal  debility. 

We  ascended  the  bank,  which  is  steep,  and  about 
fourteen  feet  high,  carrying  our  baggage,  arms  and 
venison,  leisurely,  by  piecemeal.  The  canoes,  as  being 
too  heavy  for  our  strength,  were  secured  below,  in  the 
water,  by  withes.  It  was  immediately  concluded  to 
preserve  our  provisions  by  jerking.  This  operation  is 
done  by  slicing  the  meat  into  thin  strips.  Then  driving 
four  forks  into  the  earth,  in  a  square  position,  at  the  re 
quired  distance  perpendicularly,  and  laying  poles  from 
fork  to  fork,  and  poles  athwart  from  pole  to  pole.  A 
rack  is  thus  made,  about  four  feet  high,  on  which  the 
sliced  meat  is  laid,  and  smoke-fires  are  made  underneath. 
This  duty  was  soon  performe  l.  We  now  began  to  look 
about  us,  and  discuss  the  subject  of  our  return  to  the 
army,  which  we  had,  before  this  time,  persuaded  our 
selves  we  should  meet  at  this  place.  The  non-appear 
ance  of  the  army  and  our  distress,  induced  a  conclusion 
that  we  were  deserted,  and  abandoned  to  a  disastrous 
fate,  the  inevitable  result  of  which  would  be,  a  sinking 
into  eternity  for  want  of  food,  for  though  we  might  have 
killed  more  deer,  the  vigor  of  our  bodies  was  so  reduced, 
that  we  were  convinced  that  that  kind  of  food  could 
not  restore  us  to  our  wonted  energy,  and  enable  us  to 
perform  so  rugged  and  long  a  march,  as  that  to  the 
frontiers  of  Maine.  The  notion  of  navigating  the  river, 
was  scouted  as  a  fallacy,  because  we  did  not  possess  a 
sufficient  degree  of  bodily  force  to  bear  the  canoes  across 
the  twelve-mile  carrying-place.  As,  in  the  case  of  the 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  45 

retreat  of  the  army,  we  had  determined  to  follow,  it  be- 
can  e  requisite  to  finish  the  jerking,  which  would  take 
six  days,  to  make  it  the  more  portable  for  our  feeble 
ness,  and  preservable  if  we  should  have  wet  weather  on 
the  march.  It  was  further  concluded  u  That  Lieut: 
Steele,  Getchel  and  Wheeler,  should  immediately  pro 
ceed  on  foot  across  the  twelve-mile  carrying-place,  to 
meet  the  army  :  if  they  did  meet  it,  that  they  should 
return  to  us  with  supplies  by  the  end  of  three  days,  but 
in  all  events  to  return."  Having;  no  doubt  of  the  honor 

O 

of  those  gentlemen,  the  rest  of  the  party  remained 
cheerfully  jerking  the  meat.  Now  we  experienced  the 
full  extent  of  a  new  species  of  starving.  Having  neither 
bread,  nor  salt,  nor  fat  of  any  kind,  every  day  we  re 
mained  here,  we  became  more  and  more  weak  and  ema 
ciated.  We  had  plenty  of  meat,  both  fresh  and  dried, 
of  which  we  ate  four,  five  and  six  times  a  day,  in  every 
shape  we  had  the  means  of  dressing  it.  Though  we 
gorged  the  stomach,  the  appetite  was  unsatiated.  Some 
thing  like  a  diarrhoea  ensued,  which  contributed  to  the 
imbecility  of  our  bodies.  Bear's  oil  would  have  made 
our  venison  savory,  but  such  an  animal  as  a  bear  we 
had  as  yet  not  seen  in  all  our  wanderings.  On  the 
evening  of  the  fourth  day,  we  looked  out  for  our  absent 
companions  with  much  heartfelt  anxiety.  They  came 
not.  In  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  we  consulted 
upon  the  question  whether  we  should  follow  the  army. 
A  majority  voted  for  staying  a  few  days  longer  to  com 
plete  the  jerking.  To  show  you  the  great  bodily  weak 
ness  we  were  brought  to,  it  may  be  proper  to  relate  the 
following  anecdote  as  more  evincive  of  the  fact,  than 
any  other  method  whirh  might  be  adopted,  to  bring  it 
fully  to  your  minds.  Sergeant  Boyd  (the  strongest  and 
stoutest  man  of  the  party  and  perhaps  of  the  army),  and 
myself,  taking  our  arms,  descended  into  a  canoe,  and 
passed  the  river  to  the  mouth  of  the  creek  before  men 
tioned,  intending  to  go  to  the  next  pond  on  the  carrying- 
place,  there  to  meet,  as  we  hoped,  the  advance  of  the 


46  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

army.  We  staggered  along  through  the  plain,  falling 
every  now  and  then,  if  our  toes  but  touched  a  twig  or 
tuft  of  grass.  Thus  going  forward,  we  arrived  at  the 
edge  of  the  moss-bog,  which  is  mentioned  as  we  as 
cended  the  river,  and  which  is  one  and  a  half  or  two 
miles  from  the  pond.  Here  my  worthy  friend  Boyd, 
unable  to  proceed,  sunk  down  upon  a  log.  My  seat,  in 
tears  of  excruciating  grief,  was  taken  beside  him,  en 
deavoring  to  infuse  comfort  and  courage  into  his  manly 
mind  —  it  was  in  vain.  The  debility  of  his  body  had 
disarmed  his  courageous  soul.  Every  art  in  my  power 
was  exercised  to  induce  him  to  pass  the  bog  ;  he  would 
not  listen  to  me  on  that  subject.  Melancholy  of  the 
desperate  kind  oppressed  me.  Convinced  that  the  army 
had  retreated,  a  prognostication  resulted  in  my  mind, 
that  we  should  all  die  of  mere  debility  in  these  wilds. 
We  sat  an  hour.  At  length  we  agreed  to  return  to  our 
camp,  though  it  was  yet  early  in  the  afternoon.  Our 
companions  were  pleased  to  see  us,  thinking  our  coming 
so  soon  indicated  good  news  ;  but  a  gloom  of  despera 
tion  followed.  As  a  last  effort  to  save  our  lives,  we  all 
agreed  to  pass  the  river  the  next  morning  and  follow  the 
army,  which  we  were  now  assured  had  returned  to 
Fort  Western.  Each  one  put  into  his  knapsack  as  much 
of  our  mawkish  food,  as  he  could  conveniently  carry. 
October  17.  We  started  early,  passed  the  river,  but 
from  mere  inability  to  carry  our  canoes,  left  them  behind 
us,  at  the  bank  of  the  creek.  Marching  forward  as 
fast  as  our  feeble  limbs  would  carry  us,  when  we  came 
to  the  log  where  Boyd  had  seated  himself,  we  were  filled 
with  extatic  joy  to  observe,  on  the  far  side  of  the  bog, 
a  party  of  pioneers  forming  a  causeway  for  the  passage 
of  the  army.  Our  strength  redoubled  —  we  passed  the 
bog  with  considerable  speed.  Our  wan  and  haggard 
faces  and  meagre  bodies,  and  the  monstrous  beards  of 
my  companions,  who  had  neglected  to  carry  a  razor  with 
them,  seemed  to  strike  a  deep  sorrow  into  the  hearts  of 
the  pioneers.  They  gave  us  a  little  of  their  food,  but 


Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775.  47 

what  exhilerated  us  more,  was  the  information  that 
Major  Febiger,  with  the  advanced-guard,  lay  at  the  next 
pond.  We  urged  forward  as  fast  as  we  could.  Arriv 
ing  at  his  fire  a  little  before  my  company,  an  incapacity 
to  stand  compelled  me  to  sit.  Febiger,  in  a  hurried 
manner,  asked  who  we  were  ?  and  from  whence  we 
came  ?  A  few  words  explained  the  mystery  and  cause 
of  our  distress.  A  glistening  tear  stood  in  this  brave 
soldier's  eye.  As  it  were  with  a  sudden  and  involuntary 
motion  and  much  tenderness,  he  handed  me  his  wooden 
canteen  (which  contained  the  last  spirits  in  the  army), 
from  me  it  passed  to  Cunningham,  who  had  just  come 
up,  the  most  ghastly  and  way-worn  figure  in  nature, 
from  him  it  went  round  to  the  rest,  who  arrived  grad 
ually,  but  slowly.  The  heart  of  Febiger  x  seemed  over 
joyed  at  the  relief  he  had  and  could  afford  us.  The 
liquor  had  restored  our  fainting  spirits,  but  this  was  not 
enough  for  his  generosity  to  exhibit.  He  requested  us 
to  take  seats  around  the  fire,  and  wait  the  boiling  of  his 
kettle,  which  was  well  replenished  with  pork  and  dump 
lings.  This  was  all  devoted  to  our  use,  accompanied  by 
an  open  heartedness  and  the  kindest  expressions  of  interest 
for  our  sufferings,  and  regard  for  our  perseverance  in 
our  duty  as  military  men.  This  meal  to  all  of  us  seemed 
a  renewal  of  life.  It  was  accustomed  food.  Febiger, 
ere  this  time,  was  unknown  to  us,  but  in  the  process  of 
events,  he  acquired  our  esteem  and  entire  confidence, 
as  a  friend  and  a  real  soldier.  Our  more  immediate  and 
intimate  friends  were  still  beyond  the  pond,  but  coming 


1  Christian  Febiger,  colonel  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  born  Denmark, 
17475  died,  Phila.  Sept.  20,  1796.  He  had  seen  service  before  en 
listing  April  28,  1775,  and  at  Bunker's  Hill  led  a  portion  of  Gerrish's 
regiment,  of  which  he  was  adjutant,  to  the  scene  of  battle  in  season  to  do 
good  service.  He  served  with  rrarked  ability  throughout  the  war;  ac 
companied  Arnold  to  Quebec,  and  was  made  prisoner  in  the  attack  on  that 
citadel  ;  was  conspicuous  at  the  capture  of  Stony  Point,  where  he  led  a 
column  of  attack,  and  at  Yorktown,  where  he  commanded  the  ad  Va. 
regiment.  From  1789  until  his  death,  he  was  treasurer  of  Pensylvania. — 
Drake's  Biographical  Dictionary,  319. 


48  Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

forward.  By-and-by  Morgan  came,  large,  a  command 
ing  aspect,  and  stentorian  voice.  He  wore  leggings,  and 
a  cloth  in  the  Indian  style.  His  thighs,  which  were 
exposed  to  view,  appeared  to  have  been  lacerated  by  the 
thorns  and  bushes.  He  knew  our  story  from  Steele  and 
Wheeler,  and  greeted  us  kindly.  We  now  found  our 
selves  at  home,  in  the  bosom  of  a  society  of  brave  men, 
with  whom  we  were  not  only  willing,  but  anxious  to 
meet  the  brunts  of  war.  This  was  the  twenty-sixth  day 
we  had  been  absent  from  the  army.  In  the  evening  we 
resumed  our  stations  in  our  respective  messes.  It  was 
now  fully  explained  to  us,  why  Steele  had  not  brought 
us  relief.  He  had  met  the  advance  of  the  army  on  the 
Kennebec  side  of  the  carrying-place.  Always  alert  and 
indefatigable,  when  any  duty  was  to  be  done,  the 
labors  of  the  men  in  carrying  boats,  barrels  of  flour, 
etc.,  were  intolerable,  and  required  the  strength  and 
athletic  exertions  of  the  officers,  and  particularly,  such 
as  Lieut.  Steele,  to  enliven  them  in  their  duty.  In  bear 
ing  a  heavy  burden  over  rugged  ground,  he  fell  and 
sprained  or  dislocated  his  shoulder.  Notwithstanding 
this  accident,  he  had  sent  us  supplies,  but  the  bearers, 
either  from  cowardice  or  other  cause,  never  came  near 
us.  Getchel  and  Wheeler  had  other  duties  to  attend 
to  —  they  were  under  immediate  command.  We  also 
discovered  from  Steele,  that  Clifton  and  M'Konkey, 
soon  after  we  left  them,  had  deserted  their  post,  carry 
ing  all  they  could  on  their  backs,  to  meet  the  army. 
The  dastardly  vices  of  the  latter,  prevailing  over  the 
known  courage,  good  sense,  and  sedate  age,  of  the 
former  :  nothing  occurs  to  me  contributory  to  the  fame 
of  these  men  afterwards.  The  first  was  an  invalid,  the 
latter  a  caitiff  coward.  In  your  scanning  the  characters 
of  men,  which  you  will  be  compel.led  to  do  in 
your  own  defence,  in  the  course  of  your  lives,  it 
will  be  a  good  general  rule  for  you  to  adopt  :  that 
whether  you  be  in  the  company  of  military  men,  scholars, 
men  of  the  law,  legislators,  etc.,  etc.,  in  short,  persons 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.  49 

of  any  profession  or  class,  if  you  find  a  person  very 
loquacious,  dragging  the  conversation  to  himself,  and  in 
a  dictatorial  way  taking  the  lead;  but. more  especially  if 
he  talks  of  his  own  prowess,  deep  reading,  causes  he  has 
gained,  eloquence,  etc.,  etc.,  but  still  more  so  if  the  party 
boasts  of  wealth  or  ancestry  :  in  the  first  instance,  with 
out  hesitation,  set  such  a  person  down  in  your  memory 
as  a  braggadocio,  a  mere  puffer,  until  you  can  inquire 
further  for  a  proof  to  the  contrary.  There  are,  to  my 
knowledge,  exceptions  to  this  general  rule,  but  few  in 
number,  particularly  in  the  military  class.  M'Konkey 
was  of  the  puffing  sect,  and  there  never  was  a  more 
consummate  scoundrel  and  coward. 

October  i8th.  Now  we  turned  our  faces  towards 
the  north.  Having  rejoined  our  messmates,  enjoying 
substantial  food  and  warm  tents,  we  soon  recruited  a 
good  degree  of  strength,  and  our  former  gayety  of  temper 
and  hilarity  returned  to  us.  We  accompanied  the  army, 
and  became  a  kind  of  guides  in  minute  matters,  for  the 
paths  and  carrying  places  we  had  sufficiently  developed, 
for  Captain  Ayres  and  his  pioneers,  by  strong  blazing 
and  snagging  of  bushes,  so  that  he  might  proceed  in  per 
fect  security,  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  his 
office.  The  three  companies  of  riflemen  under  Morgan 
took  up  our  old  encamping  ground-on  the  Dead  river, 
during  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day.1 

1  The  place  on  the  Kennebec  where  the  carry  commenced  is  now 
definitely  known  to  lumbermen  and  inhabitants  of  that  region  5  indeed 
the  route  to  the  ponds,  and  between  them  and  the  Dead  river  is  distinctly 
marked  by  a  growth  of  evergreens  passing  through  a  growth  of  hard  wood 
growth,  they  having  taken  the  place  of  the  original  wood  cut  by  the  army 
to  facilitate  the  crossing.  It  is  said  that  some  of  the  bateaux  which  were 
abandoned  at  the  ponds,  and  sunk  there,  are  occasionally  found  on  the  bot 
tom. —  Letter  from  Hon.  James  W.  North. 

During  the  survey  of  the  north-eastern  boundary  in  1844,  one  of  the 
engineers  traversing  the  swampy  highland  observed  a  hollow  sound  where 
he  struck  down  his  Jacob  start,  he  discovered  on  scraping  away  J^he  moss 
an  entire  bateau,  composed  of  sawed  wood  which  was  not  indigenous  to  the 
locality,  that  rendered  it  more  than  probable  that  it  was  one  of  Arnold's 
bateaux. —  Letter  of  Mr.  John  F.  Anderson. —  M. 

5 


50  Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775. 

October  igth  and  2Oth.  Here  we  lay  encamped  for 
several  days,  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  rear  of  the  New 
England  troops  :  they  came  up  hourly.  During  our 
stay  here,  it  pleased  me  internally,  to  observe  that  Mor 
gan  adopted  certain  rules  of  discipline,  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  the  state  v>e  were  in,  but  discordant  with  the 
wild  and  extravagant  notions  of  our  private  men.1 
Powder  and  ball,  particularly  the  first,  to  us  riflemen, 
was  of  the  first  consequence.  At  Cambridge  the  horns 
belonging  to  the  men  were  filled  with  an  excellent  rifle 
powder,  which,  when  expended,  could  not  be  replaced 
in  Canada  by  any  powder  of  an  equal  quality.  The  men 


1  Morgan  was  a  strict  disciplinarian.  Permit  an  anecdote.  He  had 
obtained  the  command  of  the  rifle  corps  from  Arnold,  without  any 
advertence  to  the  better  claim  of  Hendricks,  who,  though  the  youngest 
man  was  of  the  three  captains,  in  point  of  rank,  by  the  dates  of  commis 
sions,  the  superior  officer.  Hendricks,  for  the  sake  of  peace  in  the  army, 
and  of  good  order,  prudently  and  good  naturedly  acquiesced  in  his  assump 
tion  of  the  command,  for  Morgan  had  seen  more  service  in  our  former  wars. 

At  this  place  Morgan  had  given  it  out  in  orders,  that  no  one  should  fire. 
One  Chamberlaine,  a  worthless  fellow,  who  did  not  think  it  worth  while 
to  draw  his  bullet,  had  gone  some  hundreds  of  yards  into  the  woods,  and 
discharged  his  gun.  Lieut.  Steele  happened  ti>  be  in  that  quarter  at  the 
time;  Steele  had  but  arrived  at  the  fire,  where  we  sat,  when  Morgan, 
who  had  seen  him  coming,  approached  our  camp,  and  seated  himself  within 
our  circle.  Presently  Chamberlaine  came,  gun  in  hand,  and  was  passing 
our  fire,  towards  that  of  his  mess.  Morgan  called  to  the  soldier,  accused 
him  as  the  defaulter  \  this  the  man  (an  arrant  liar  )  denied.  Morgan 
appealed  to  Steele.  Steele  admitted  he  heard  the  report,  but  knew  not  the 
party  who  discharged  the  gun.  Morgan  suddenly  springing  to  a  pile  of 
billets,  took  one,  and  swore  he  would  knock  the  accused  down  unless  he 
confessed  the  fact.  Instantly,  Smith  seized  another  billet,  and  swore  he 
would  strike  Morgan  if  he  struck  the  man.  Morgan  knowing  the  tenure 
of  his  rank,  receded.  This  was  the  only  spirited  act  I  knew  of  Smith. 
Such  were  the  rough-hewn  characters  which,  in  a  few  subsequent  years,  by 
energy  of  mind  and  activity  of  body,  bore  us  safely  through  the  dreadful 
storms  of  the  revolution.  Morgan  was  of  an  impetuous  temper,  yet  withal, 
prudent  in  war,  as  he  was  fearless  of  personal  danger.  His  passions 
were  quick  and  easily  excited,  but  they  were  soon  cooled.  This  observa 
tion  is  applicable  to  many  men  of  great  talents,  and  to  none  more  than 
Morgan.'  His  severity,  at  times,  has  made  me  shudder,  though  it  was 
necessary,  yet  it  would  have  been  a  pleasing  trait  in  his  character  if  it  had 
been  less  rigid. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  51 

had  got  into  a  habit  of  throwing  it  away  at  every  trifling 
object.  Upon  our  return  from  the  Chaudiere,  this  cir 
cumstance  raised  disgust  in  us  ;  for  we  had  been  studi 
ously  careful  of  our  ammunition,  never  firing  but  at 
some  object  which  would  give  us  the  means  of  subsist 
ence.  Though  we  drew  our  loads  every  morning,  from 
a  fear  of  the  dampness  of  the  atmosphere,  yet  the  ball 
and  powder  were  never  lost.  Our  bullet  screws  brought 
the  first  out  with  ease,  and  it  was  recast,  the  latter  was 
carefully  returned  to  the  horn,  where,  if  moist,  it  soon 
became  dry.  The  principal  of  Morgan's  rules  were, 
that  there  should  be  no  straggling  from  the  camp;  and 
no  firing  without  authoritative  permission.  Reasonable 
as  these  injunctions  were,  they  were  opposed.  Being 
young  and  my  friend  Steele  absent,  a  whisper  of  appro 
bation  did  not  fall  from  me,  which,  in  my  subordinate 
station,  might  have  been  indelicate.  It  was  left  to  the 
energy  of  Morgan's  mind,  and  he  conquered.  During 
our  resting  here,  Arnold,  accompanied  by  Steele  and 
some  excellent  boatmen,  proceeded  to  the  head  of  the 
river.  The  rifle  corps  preceded  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  both  by  land  and  water.  The  boats,  which  were 
heavily  laden  with  baggage  and  provisions,  took  in  no 
more  men  than  were  necessary  to  navigate  them,  that  is, 
three  to  a  boat.  The  remainder  of  the  army  marched 
by  land,  the  river  being  generally  the  guide. 

Here,  my  dear  children,  permit  me  to  give  you  the 
genuine  character  of  my  friend,  General  Simpson,  whom 
you  all  know  personally.  He  was  among  my  earliest 
and  best  friends.  He  was  then  as  apparently  eccentric, 
as  he  is  at  this  time  :  there  is  no  obvious  difference  in 
his  manners  between  the  two  periods.  As  an  officer, 
he  was  always  active  and  keen  in  the  performance  of 
his  duty.  Hard  was  the  service  ;  but  his  heart  was  soft 
to  his  friend.  Simpson  invited  his  messmate  aboard  his 
boat,  being  still  somewhat  feeble  from  our  late  privations  : 
the  invitation  was  gladly  accepted. 

October     2ist.       We     embarked.       Having    Lieut. 


52  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

Simpson  for  a  steersman,  and  John  Tidd  and  James 
Dougherty  as  boatmen,  we  went  gaily  on  for  that  and 
the  next  day  :  able  to  lead  any  boat  in  the  river. 

October  22d.  On  the  evening  of  this  second  day, 
we  encamped  on  a  bank  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  at  a 
place  where  we  had  rested  when  ascending  the  river  the 
first  time.  In  the  evening  a  most  heavy  torrent  of  rain 
fell  upon  us,  which  continued  all  night.  Having  now  a 
good  tent  over  our  heads,  the  inconvenience  was  not  much 
felt.  We  slept  soundly.  Towards  morning,  we  were 
awaked  by  the  water  which  flowed  in  upon  us  from  the 
river.  We  fled  to  high  ground. 

October  23.  When  morning  came  the  river  pre 
sented  a  most  frightful  aspect :  it  had  risen  at  least  eight 
feet,  and  flowed  with  terrifying  rapidity.  None  but  the 
most  strong  and  active  boatmen  entered  the  boats,  the 
army  marched  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  making 
large  circuits  to  avoid  the  overflowings  of  the  intervale 
or  bottom  lands.  This  was  one  of  the  most  fatiguing 
marches  we  had  as  yet  performed,  though  the  distance 
was  not  great  in  a  direct  line.  But  having  no  path  and 
being  necessitated  to  climb  the  steepest  hills,  and  that 
without  food,  for  we  took  none  with  us,  thinking  the 
boats  would  be  near  us  all  day.  In  the  evening  we 
arrived  at  the  fall  of  four  feet,  which  was  mentioned 
when  ascending  the  river.  Alas  !  all  the  boats  of  the 
army  were  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  pitch 
of  the  fall  made  a  dreadful  noise,  and  the  current  ran  with 
immense  velocity.  We  sat  down  on  the  bank  sorely 
pinched  by  hunger,  looking  wistfully  towards  our  friends 
beyond  the  torrent,  who  were  in  possession  of  all  the 
provisions,  tents  and  camp  equipage,  convinced  however, 
that  the  most  adventurous  boatmen  would  not  dare  the 
passage,  for  the  sake  of  accommodating  any  of  us.  We 
were  mistaken.  There  were  two  men,  and  only  two, 
who  had  skill  and  courage  to  dare  it.  Need  Lieut. 
Simpson,  on  an  occasion  like  this,  be  named  ?  he,  ac 
companied  by  John  Tidd,  entered  his  empty  boat. 


Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775.  53 

What  skill  in  boatmanship !  what  aptitude  with  the 
paddle  was  here  exhibited.  The  principal  body  of  the 
water  ran  over  the  middle  of  the  fall,  and  created  a 
foaming  and  impetuous  torrent,  in  some  measure  resem 
bling,  at  this  particular  time,  of  a  very  high  freshet,  that 
of  the  Oswego  falls,  which  has  been  known  to  me  ere 
this.  The  river  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  or  two 
hundred  yards  in  breadth,  counting  on  the  increase  of 
water  by  the  rains.  The  force  of  the  central  current 
naturally  formed  considerable  eddies  at  each  side  of  the 
river,  close  under  the  pitch.  Simpson  now  disclosed  his 
amazing  skill.  Though  there  was  an  eddy,  even  that 
was  frightful,  he  came  by  its  mean  nearly  under  the 
pitch,  and  trying  to  obtain  an  exact  start,  failed.  The 
stream  forced  his  boat  down  the  river,  but  he  recovered 
and  brought  it  up.  Now  we,  who  were  trembling  for 
the  fate  of  our  friends,  and  anxious  for  our  own  accom 
modation,  began  to  fear  he  might  be  drawn  under  the 
pitch.  Quick,  almost  in  a  moment,  Simpson  was  with 
us.  He  called  in  his  loud  voice  to  Robert  Dixon,  James 
Old  (a  messmate)  and  myself  to  enter  the  boat.  We 
entered  immediately.  He  pushed  off;  attempting  the 
start  by  favor  of  the  hither  eddy,  which  was  the  main 
thing  —  we  failed.  Returning  to  the  shore,  we  were  as 
sailed  by  a  numerous  band  of  soldiers,  hungry,  and 
anxious  to  be  with  their  companions.  Simpson  told 
them  he  could  not  carry  more  with  safety,  and  would 
return  for  them.  Henry  M'Annaly,  a  tall  Irishman, 
who  could  not  from  experience  comprehend  the  danger, 
jumped  into  the  boat  ;  he  was  followed  by  three  or  four 
other  inconsiderate  men.  The  countenance  of  Simpson 
changed,  his  soul  and  mine  were  intimate.  "O  God," 
said  he,  "men  we  shall  all  die."  They  would  not 
recede.  Again  we  approached  the  pitch  ;  it  was  horrible. 
The  bateau  swam  deep,  almost  ungovernable  by  the 
paddle.  Attempting  again  to  essay  the  departure — we 
failed.  The  third  trial  was  made  :  it  succeeded.  As 
lightning  we  darted  athwart  the  river.  Simpson  with  his 


54  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

paddle,  governed  the  stern.  The  worthy  Tidd  in  the 
bow.  Dixon  and  myself,  our  guns  stuck  in  the  railing 
of  the  bateau,  but  without  paddles,  sat  in  the  stern  next 
to  Simpson.  Mr.  Old  was  in  the  bow  near  Tidd. 
Henry  M'Annaly  was  adjoining  Mr.  Old.  The  other 
men  sat  between  the  stern  and  bow.  Simpson  called  to 
the  men  in  the  bow  to  lay  hold  of  the  birch  bushes  ; 
the  boat  struck  the  shore  forcibly  :  they  caught  hold 
M'Annaly  in  particular  ( this  was  in  the  tail  of  the  eddy  ), 
but  like  children,  their  holds  slipped,  at  the  only  spot 
where  we  could  have  been  saved  ;  for  the  boat  had  been 
judiciously  and  safely  brought  up.  Letting  go  their 
holds,  the  bow  came  round  to  the  stream,  and  the  stern 
struck  the  shore.  Simpson,  Dixon,  and  myself,  now 
caught  the  bushes,  but  being  by  this  time  thrown  into  the 
current,  the  strength  of  the  water  made  the  withes  as  so 
many  straws  in  our  hands.  The  stern  again  swung 
round :  the  bow  came  again  ashore.  Mr.  Old,  Tidd, 
and  M'Annaly,  and  the  rest,  sprung  to  the  land  to  save 
their  lives.  Doing  this,  at  our  cost,  their  heels  forced 
the  boat  across  the  current.  Though  we  attempted  to 
steady  it,  the  boat  swagged.  In  a  moment  after,  at 
thirty  feet  off  shore,  it  being  broad  side  to  the  current, 
turned  ;  borne  under,  in  spite  of  all  our  force,  by  the 
fury  of  the  stream.  The  boat  upsetting,  an  expression, 
as  going  into  the  water,  fell  from  me,  "  Simpson  we 
are  going  to  heaven."  My  fall  was  head -foremost. 
Simpson  came  after  me  —  his  heels,  at  the  depth  of  fifteen 
feet  or  more,  were  upon  my  head  and  neck  ;  and  those 
grinding  on  the  gravel.  We  rose  nearly  together,  your 
father  first —  my  friend  followed.  The  art  of  swimming, 
in  which,  I  thought  myself  an  adept,  was  tried,  but  it 
was  a  topsy-turvy  business.  The  force  of  the  water 
threw  me  often  heels-over-head. 

.  In  the  course  of  this  voyage,  after  a  few  hundred 
yards,  Simpson  was  at  my  side,  but  the  force  of  the 
stream  prevented  the  exertion  of  swimming  ;  yet  the 
impetuosity  of  the  current  kept  us  up.  It  drove  us 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  55 

toward  the  other  side  of  the  river,  against  a  long  ridge 
of  perpendicular  rocks  of  great  extent.  Luckily,  in  the 
course  of  some  hundred  yards,  the  current  changed,  and 
brought  us  perforce  to  the  north  side  of  the  river.  Float 
ing'  along  with  my  head  just  above  water  —  prayers  in 
sincere  penitence  having  been  uttered,  a  boat's  crew  of 
the  eastern  men  handed  me  a  pole.  It  was  griped  as  by 
the  hand  of  death  —  but  griped  the  pole  remained  to  me. 
The  strength  of  water  was  such,  that  the  boat  would 
inevitably  have  upset,  if  the  boatman  had  kept  his  hold. 
A  glance  of  the  eye  informed  me  that  my  companion 
in  misfortune  had  shared  the  same  fate.  Resigned  into 
the  bosom  of  my  Savior,  my  eyes  became  closed  ;  the 
death  appeared  to  me  a  hard  one  ;  sensibility  in  a  great 
degree  forsook  me.  Driving  with  the  current  some 
hundreds  of  yards  more,  the  most  palpable  feeling  recol 
lected,  was  the  striking  of  my  breast  against  a  root  or 
hard  substance.  My  head  came  above  water.  Breathing 
ensued  ;  at  the  same  moment  Simpson  raised  his  head 
out  of  the  water,  his  gold  laced  hat  on  it,  crying  "  Oh  !  " 
neither  of  us  could  have  crept  out  ;  we  should  have  there 
died  but  for  the  assistance  of  Edward  Cavanaugh,  an 
Irishman,  an  excellent  soldier,  who  was  designated  in 
the  company  by  the  appellation  of  Honest  Ned.  Passing 
from  the  lower  part  of  the  river,  he  happened  to  come 
to  the  eddy,  at  the  instant  of  time  my  breast  struck.  He 
cried  out  "  Lord,  Johnny  !  is  this  you  ?"  and  instantly 
dragged  me  out  of  the  water.  Simpson  immediately 
appearing,  he  did  him  the  same  good  office.  Lying  on 
the  earth  perhaps  twenty  minutes,  the  water  pouring 
from  me,  a  messenger  from  the  camp  came  to  rouse  us. 
Roused  we  went  to  it.  But  all  eyes  looked  out  for 
Dixon,  all  hearts  were  wailing  for  his  loss.  It  was 
known  he  could  not  swim,  but  none  of  us  could  recollect 
whether  he  had  dropped  into  the  water  or  had  adhered 
to  the  boat.  In  some  time  we  had  the  inexpressible 
pleasure  of  Dixon  in  our  company.  He  had  stuck  to 
the  side  of  the  boat,  which  lodged  on  a  vast  pile  of  drift 


56  Campaign  against  Quebec ,   1775. 

wood  some  miles  below,  and  in  this  way  he  was  saved. 
Arriving  at  the  camp  our  friends  had  a  large  fire  prepared, 
particularly  for  our  accommodation  ;  heat  upon  such  an 
occurrence  is  most  agreeable.  My  two  friends  in  dis 
tress,  whose  clothing  was  principally  woolen  —  felt  none 
of  my  private  disaster.  My  leather  breeches  attached 
closely  and  coldly  to  the  skin.  Modesty  prohibited  a 
disclosure.  The  sense  of  pain  or  inconvenience  which 
was  observed  bv  my  seniors,  caused  an  inquiry.  Imme 
diately  the  breeches  were  off  and  stuck  upon  a  pole  to 
dry.  Simpson  was  so  much  exhilerated  by  our  escape, 
that  seated  on  a  stump,  he  sung  Plato  in  great  glee.  It 
became  a  favorite  with  us.  During  all  this  time,  perhaps 
till  one  or  two  o'clock,  my  breeches  were  in  my  hand 
almost  in  continued  friction.  The  laugh  of  the  company 
was  against  me,  but  it  was  borne  stoically. 

October  24,  the  following  morning,  presented  me  with 
many  difficulties  ;  to  be  sure  my  horn,  with  a  pound  of 
powder,  and  my  pouch,  with  seventy  bullets,  were  un 
harmed  by  the  water,  though  around  my  neck  in  the 
course  of  our  swimming.  Yet  I  had  lost  my  knapsack, 
my  hat,  and  my  most  precious  rifle.  Awaking,  the 
world  appeared  to  be  a  wild  waste.  Disarmed,  my  insig 
nificance  pressed  strongly  on  my  mind  —  dishonor  seemed 
to  follow  of  course.  Without  the  armor  of  defence,  men 
and  nations  are  mere  automatons,  liable  to  be  swayed  by 
the  beck  of  power  and  subject  to  the  hand  of  oppression. 
Young  as  your  father  was,  his  soul  was  oppressed.  To 
return  with  the  invalids  was  dreadful,  and  without  arms, 
he  could  not  proceed.  Comfort  came  to  me  in  the  shape 
of  Lieutenant,  now  General  Nichols,  then  of  Hendricks. 
He  had  two  hats  —  he  presented  me  one  ;  but  what  was 
more  to  my  purpose,  he,  or  General  Simpson,  informed 
me  that  some  of  the  invalids  wished  to  dispose  of  their 
rifles.  With  the  assistance  of  Nichols  and  Simpson,  a 
bargain  was  struck  with  a  person  called  William  Rey 
nolds,  or  Rannals,  of  our  company  ;  who  was  miserably 
sick,  and  returned  in  the  boats.  Money  was  out  of  the 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  57 

question,  an  order  upon  my  father,  dated  at  this  place, 
for  the  price  of  twelve  dollars  was  accepted,  and  after 
wards,  in  due  time,  paid  honorably.  This  gun  was  short, 
about  forty-five  balls  to  the  pound,  the  stock  shattered 
greatly,  and  worth  about  forty  shillings.  Necessity  has 
no  law.  Never  did  a  gun,  ill  as  its  appearance  was,  shoot 
with  greater  certainty,  and  where  the  ball  touched,  from 
its  size,  it  was  sure  to  kill.  This  observation,  trifling  as 
it  may  seem,  ought  to  induce  government  to  adopt  guns 
of  this  size,  as  to  length  of  barrel,  and  size  of  ball. 
There  are  many  reasons  to  enforce  this  opinion.  We 
departed  from  this  place  without  any  material  occurrence, 
and  went  rapidly  forward. 

October  lyth.     Somewhat  laughable  ensued  on  this 
morning  near  the  first   pond,  at  the  head  of  the  river. 
The  Virginians  (though  it  is  not  probable  that  any  of 
the  officers  excepting  one)  had  taken  up  the  idea,  that 
they  were  our  superiors  in  every  military  qualification, 
and  ought  to  lead.      Hendricks,  though  the  oldest  com 
missioned  officer  of  the   rifle   companies,  was   still   the 
youngest  man.     For  the  sake  of  peace  and  good  order, 
he  had  not  assented  to,  but  merely  acquiesced  in  Morgan's 
assumption  of  the  command  of  our  corps,  as  the  elder 
person.     Those  men,  who  were  clever  and  brave,  were 
just  such  in  that  behalf,  as  we  were  ourselves  :  but  a 
Mr.   Heath,  who  was  blind  of  an  eye,  a  lieutenant  of 
Morgan's,    seemed  to  think,    that  all    others  were  in 
ferior  to  those  of  the  ancient  dominion.     We  had  a  hard 
morning's  pushing,   when  coming  up  to  the   first   pond, 
at  the  head  of  the  Dead-river,  we  saw  Heath  before  us. 
Observing  to  Simpson,  "push  him"  we  went  up  with 
much  force  ;  poor   Heath   laboring  as  a  slave    to   keep 
his  place.      Tidd  and  Dougherty  felt  my  spirit  as  much, 
as  Simpson  did.     At  the  moment  of  our  passing,  for  we 
went  up   on  the   outside  of  him,  towards  the  middle  of 
the   current,  his  pole   stuck,  upon   which  he   gave   us  a 
few   hearty  curses.     Entering  the  lake,  the  boat  under 
my  guidance  and  information,  steered  directly    for   the 


58  Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

passage  to  the  second  lake.  Humphreys  (Morgan's  first 
lieutenant)  a  brave  and  most  amiable  man,  whom  we 
highly  esteemed,  was  in  a  boat  far  to  the  left,  searching 
for  a  passage.  Simpson,  at  my  instance,  hailed  him  to 
come  on.  He  answered  there  was  no  passage  there,  al 
luding  to  the  place  we  steered  for.  Encouraging  my 
friend  to  go  on,  the  deception  Humphreys  lay  under  was 
soon  discovered.  The  creek  was  soon  discovered. 
The  creek  was  deep  and  serpentine,  and  the  country 
around,  for  a  considerable  distance,  a  flat.  A  log 
brought  down  by  the  last  freshet,  lay  across  the  stream, 
so  as  to  give  to  a  stranger  the  idea  that  the  mouth  of 
the  creek  was  merely  a  nook  of  the  lake.  Setting  the 
log  afloat,  as  was  easily  done,  the  boat  proceeded. 

October  28.  Continuing  rapidly,  for  now  we  had  no 
carrying,  nor  marking  of  trees,  there  being  plenty  of 
water,  the  evening  was  spent  at  the  foot  of  that  mountain 
called  the  Height-of-land.1  This  was  a  day  of  severe 
labor.  The  navigation  of  the  Chaudiere,  being,  so  far 
as  our  information  went,  represented  to  the  captains, 
Hendricks  and  Smith,  as  very  dangerous,  they,  to  save 
their  men,  concluded  to  carry  over  the  hill,  but  one 
boat  for  each  of  their  companies.  This  resolution  was 
easily  accomplished.  Morgan,  on  the  other  hand,  de 
termined  to  carry  over  all  his  boats.  It  would  have  made 
your  heart  ache,  to  view  the  intolerable  labors  his  fine 
fellows  underwent.  Some  of  them,  it  was  said,  had  the 
flesh  worn  from  their  shoulders,  even  to  the  bone.  The 
men  said  it ;  but  by  this  time  an  antipathy  against 
Morgan,  as  too  strict  a  disciplinarian  had  arisen. 

October  2Qth.  The  following  day,  the  army,  dis 
jointed  as  was  our  corps,  at  least  Hendricks's  and  Smith's, 
encamped  on  the  plain,  on  the  bank  of  the  Chaudiere. 


1  The  Hon.  Miles  Standish  lives  on  what  is  termed  the  Flag  Staff 
Plantation,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Bigelow,  on  Arnold's  route,  the  mountain 
on  which  Maj.  Timothy  Bigelow  planted  a  flag  staff,  which  gave  name  to 
the  mountain  and  place. —  Letter  from  Hon.  James  W.  North. —  M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.  59 

Morgan  afterwards  took  his  station  near  us.  Here  it 
first  became  generally  known,  that  Enos  had  returned 
from  the  twelve  mile  carrying-place,  with  500  men,  a 
large  stock  of  provisions,  and  the  medicine  chest.1  It 

1  The  desertion  of  Enos  was  known  by  a  portion  of  the  army  as  early  as 
the  2,3d.  He  made  an  ingenious  defence  of  his  retreat,  and  at  the  trial  the 
witnesses  being  his  own  officers,  who  were  all  in  favor  of  returning,  he  was 
acquitted,  but  never  survived  the  stigma  of  having  done  a  disreputable 
act. —  M. 

Head-Quarters,  Cambridge,  November  30,  1775. 

A  General  Court  Martial  to  sit  to-morrow  morning,  at  eleven  o'clock, 
at  Mr.  Pomeroy's,  in  Cambridge,  to  try  Lieutenant-Colonel  Enos,  for 
"  quitting  his  commanding-officer  without  leave."  President,  Brigadier- 
General  Sullivan,  with  the  twelve  field-officers  next  for  court-martial  duty. 

COLONEL  ROGER  ENOS  TO  THE  PUBLIC. 

I  esteem  it  the  duty  of  every  man  not  only  to  merit  a  good  name,  but  to 
appear  in  defence  of  it  when  unjustly  attacked,  and,  if  possible,  to  clear  it 
from  groundless  aspersions.  Great  numbers,  for  want  of  proper  informa 
tion,  or  by  artful  misrepresentations,  imbibe  unreasonable  prejudices  against 
their  fellow  men,  and  form  conceptions  greatly  to  their  disadvantage,  who, 
on  a  full  and  impartial  knowledge  of  the  facts,  will  essentially  alter  their 
opinions,  and  applaud  those  actions  which,  from  misrepresentation,  they 
were  inclined  to  censure  and  condemn.  As  my  character,  both  as  an 
officer  and  soldier,  hath  of  late  suffered  much  in  the  view  of  many,  and  as 
I  value  my  reputation  as  high  as  my  life  (indeed,  I  consider  it  as  the 
greatest  curse  that  can  befall  a  man  to  outlive  his  character),  I  must  beg 
leave,  through  the  channel  of  the  press,  to  exhibit  to  the  world  the  follow 
ing  representation  of  my  case  ;  which  I  trust  will  sufficiently  clear  up  my 
character,  and  convince  the  impartial,  that  my  conduct,  instead  of  the  cen 
sure,  merits  the  approbation  of  the  public. 

At  a  Court  of  Inquiry  held  at  Cambridge,  on  Wednesday,  the  2gth  day 
of  November,  1775,  by  order  of  his  excellency  the  commander-in-chief 
of  the  forces  of  the  United  Colonies,  to  examine  into  the  conduct  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Enos,  for  leaving  the  detachment  under  Colonel  Arnold  and 
returning  home,  without  permission  from  his  commanding  officer,  present  : 

Major-General  Lee,  president  ;  Brig.  General  Greene,  Brig.  General 
Heath,  Colonel  Nixon,  Colonel  Stark,  Major  Durkee,  Major  Sherburne. 

The  court  are  of  opinion,  after  receiving  all  the  information  within  their 
power,  that  Colonel  Enos's  misconduct  (if  he  has  been  guilty  of  misconduct)  is 
not  of  so  very  heinous  a  nature  as  was  first  supposed,  but  that  it  is  necessary, 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  world,  and  for  his  own  honor,  that  a  court-martial 
should  be  immediately  held  for  his  trial. 

CHARLES  LEE,  M.aj.  General^  President. 

A  true  copy,  from  the  minutes  of  said  court,  compared  and  examined  by 

W.  TUDOR,  Judge  Advocate. 


60  Campaign  against  <jhiel>ecyijy$. 

damped  our  spirits  much,  but  our  commander  conceived 
it  was  better  to  proceed  than  return.  We  were  about 
a  hundred  miles  from  the  frontier  of  Canada,  but  treble 
that  distance  from  that  of  New-England.  Our  provisions 

Proceedings  of  a  general  court-martial  of  the  line   held  at  head-quarters  at 

CAMBRIDGE,  by  order  of  bis  Excellency  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  Esq.y  Com- 

mander-in-cbief  of  the  Forces  of  the  UNITED  COLONIES,  DECEMBER  I,  A.D. 

1775- 

Brigadier-General  Sullivan,  president ;  Colonel  Bridge,  Colonel  Sergeant, 
Colonel  Greaton,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cleveland,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Marsh, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Reed,  Lieutenant- Colonel  Brown,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Vose,  Major  Poor,  Major  Wood,  Major  Woods,  Major  Johnson ;  W. 
Tudor,  judge  advocate. 

The  court,  being  duly  sworn,  proceeded  to  the  trial  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Enos,  of  the  Twenty-Second  Regiment,  under  an  arrest  for  leaving  the  de 
tachment  under  Colonel  Arnold,  and  returning  home,  withouc  permission 
from  his  commanding  officer. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Enos,  being  arraigned  on  the  above  charge,  says,  that 
true  it  is,  he  did  return  without  permission  from  Colonel  Arnold,  his  com 
manding  officer  j  but  the  circumstances  of  the  case  were  such  as  obliged 
him  so  to  do. 

Captain  Williams.  At  the  great  carrying-place,  I  heard  that  the  men 
ahead  were  in  want  of  provision.  About  two-thirds  across  the  great 
carrying-place,  I  met  Major  Bigelow  coming  back  with  ninety-five  men, 
who  said  they  wanted  provision  ;  I  dealt  out  to  them  a  barrel  of  pork  and 
one  of  flour  j  I  delivered  Major  Bigelow  six  barrels  more  of  provision.  We 
proceeded  forward,  and  met  several  parties  returning  home,  and  we  had 
orders  to  supply  them  with  provision  to  reach  the  English  settlements. 
When  I  came  up  with  Colonel  Enos,  I  was  informed  by  Major  Bigelow 
there  had  been  a  council  of  war,  and  that  it  was  settled  that,  for  want  of 
provisions,  the  whole  detachment  under  Colonel  Enos  should  return.  Col 
onel  Enos  proposed  to  go  forward,  and  let  his  division  return  j  but  as  there 
was  a  large  number,  besides  those  which  belonged  properly  to  our  division, 
and  as  we  had  several  invalids  to  bring  back,  and  were  very  short  of  provi 
sion  (for  we  had  but  three  days'  provision,  and  were  above  one  hundred 
miles  from  the  English  settlements),  I  thought  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
for  Colonel  Enos  to  take  the  command  of  the  party  back,  and  protested 
against  his  going  on  to  join  Colonel  Arnold  j  at  the  same  time,  not  know 
ing  that  Colonel  Enos  had  any  orders  from  Colonel  Arnold  to  join  him. 
That  division  which  went  on  to  join  Colonel  Arnold  had  not  more  than 
five  days'  provision.  We  supplied  Colonel  Greene's  division  with  most  of 
their  provision,  and  left  ourselves  but  three  days'  provision. 

Captain  McCobb.  About  fifty  miles  up  the  Dead  river  we  held  a  council 
of  war,  at  which  I  assisted  as  a  member ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  whole 
division  under  Col.  Enos  should  return,  there  not  being  sufficient  provision 
to  carry  both  divisions  through.  Colonel  Greene's  division  being  some 
way  ahead,  it  was  found  that  we  should  save  two  days'  time  by  letting  that 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  ^i 

were  exhausted.  We  had  no  meat  of  any  kind.  The 
flour  which  remained,  so  far  as  I  know,  was  divided 
fairly  and  equally,  among  the  whole  of  the  troops,  the 
riflemen  shared  five  pints  of  ftour  per  man.  During  the 

division  go  forward,  and  time  was  too  precious  and  provision  too  scarce  to 
enter  into  disputes.  It  was  thought  best  for  the  service,  that  Colonel 
Greene's  division  should  proceed,  and  we  left  them  with  about  five  days' 
provision,  and  returned  with  three  ourselves.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Enos 
was  for  going  forward  without  his  division;  but,  for  the  same  reasons  which 
have  been  mentioned  by  Captain  Williams,  I  protested  against  his  going  on. 

Captain  Scott  confirms  all  that  Captain  McCobb  deposes,  and  adds,  that 
he  himself  protested  against  Colonel  Enos's  going  forward  5  that  he  thought, 
and  is  now  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  that  the  presence  of  Colonel  Enos 
was  very  necessary  to  preserve  the  harmony  and  order  necessary  to 
secure  the  safe  retreat  of  the  men  who  were  ordered  to  return. 

Lieutenant  Hide.  I  assisted  at  the  council  of  war  up  the  Dead  river. 
We  found,  by  the  best  computation,  that  it  would  take  fifteen  days  to  reach 
any  French  inhabitants,  and  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  both  divisions 
of  Greene's  and  Enos's  to  go  through,  the  provision  being  so  short.  It  was 
adjudged  that  there  was  about  four  days'  provision  for  those  who  went  for 
ward,  and  we  returned  with  three.  I  protested  against  Colonel  Enos's  going 
on  to  join  Colonel  Arnold,  his  presence  being  necessary  for  our  safe  retreat, 
as  we  had  a  number  of  invalids,  and  a  considerable  number  of  men  who  did 
not  belong  to  either  of  the  companies  in  our  division. 

Lieutenant  Buckmaster  confirms  what  Lieutenant  Hide  deposes  j  and 
adds,  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  all  the  officers  of  Colonel  Enos's  division, 
that  he  should  return  with  his  division,  as  we  had  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  who  did  not  belong  to  our  division,  who  had  only  a  subaltern  to  com 
mand  them,  and  whom  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  manage  without 
Colonel  Enos's  presence. 

The  court  being  cleared,  after  mature  consideration,  are  unanimously  of 
opinion,  that  Colonel  Enos  was  under  a  necessity  of  returning  with  the 
division  under  his  command,  and  therefore  acquit  him  with  honor. 

JOHN  SULLIVAN,   President, 

A  true  copy  of  the  proceedings. 

Attest  :  W.  TUDOR,  Judge  Advocate. 

New-York,  April  28,  1776. 

I  hereby  certify  that  I  was  president  of  a  court-martial,  in  Cambridge, 
when  Colonel  Enos  was  tried  for  leaving  Colonel  Arnold  with  the  rear 
division  of  the  detachment  under  his  command,  bound  for  Quebec  ;  and, 
upon  the  trial,  it  clearly  appeared  to  me,  as  well  as  to  all  the  other  mem 
bers  of  the  court,  that  Colonel  Enos  was  perfectly  justifiable  in  returning 
with  the  division,  being  clearly  proved,  by  the  testimony  of  witnesses  of 
undoubted  veracity  (some  of  whom  I  have  been  personally  acquainted  with 
for  a  number  of  years,  and  know  them  to  be  persons  of  truth),  that  so 
much  provision  had  been  sent  forward,  to  support  the  other  divisions,  as 

6 


62  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

night  and  the  ensuing  morning,  the  flour  was  baked  into 
five  cakes  per  man,  under  the  ashes,  in  the  way  of  Indian 
bread. 

October  3Oth.  We  set  forward.  The  men  were 
told  by  the  officers  "  that  orders  would  "  not  be  required 
in  the  march,  each  one  must  uput  the  best  foot  foremost." 
The  first  day's  march  was  closed  by  a  charming  sleep  on 
fir-branches.  The  gentlemen  of  our  mess  lay  together, 
covering  themselves  with  the  blankets  of  each  one.  My 
memory  does  not  serve,  to  say,  that  any  stir  was  made 
by  any  one,  during  the  night.  Happening  to  be  the  first 


left  them  so  small  a  quantity  that  their  men  were  almost  famished  with 
hunger  on  their  return  5  and  some  would  undoubtedly  have  starved,  had 
they  not,  by  accident,  come  across  and  killed  a  large  moose.  Upon  their 
evidence,  there  remained  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  myself,  or  any  of  the 
members,  that  the  return  of  the  division  was  prudent  and  reasonable  j  being 
well  convinced  that  they  had  not  provision  sufficient  to  carry  them  half 
way  to  Quebec,  and  that  their  going  forward  would  only  have  deprived 
the  other  division  of  a  part  of  theirs,  which,  as  the  event  has  since  shown, 
was  not  enough  to  keep  them  all  from  perishing  ;  we  therefore  unani 
mously  acquitted  Colonel  Enos  with  honor. 

I  further  certify,  that  by  a  strict  inquiry  into  the  matter  since,  from  per 
sons  who  were  in  the  divisions  that  went  forward,  I  am  convinced  that  had 
Colonel  Enos,  with  his  division,  proceeded,  it  would  have  been  a  means  of 
causing  the  whole  detachment  to  have  perished  in  the  woods,  for  want  of 
sustenance. 

I  further  add,  that  I  have  been  well  informed,  by  person  acquainted 
with  Colonel  Enos,  that  he  has  ever  conducted  as  a  good  and  faithful  officer. 

JOHN  SULLIVAN. 


TO   THE  IMPARTIAL   PUBLIC. 

The  case  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Enos  having  engaged  the  attention  of 
many  officers  of  the  army,  as  well  as  others,  and  as  we  are  informed  he  is 
much  censured  by  many  persons,  for  returning  back  from  the  expedition  to 
Canada,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Arnold,  by  which  Colonal  Enos's 
character  greatly  suffers,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  certify,  that  some  of  us, 
from  our  own  personal  knowledge  of  the  military  abilities  of  Colonel  Enos, 
and  others  of  us  from  information,  are  fully  convinced  that  he  is  a  gentle 
man  fully  acquainted  with  his  duty  as  an  officer,  a  man  of  fortitude  and 
prudence,  and,  in  our  opinion,  well  calculated  to  sustain,  with  honor,  any 
military  character ;  and,  from  the  fullest  inquiry,  we  are  satisfied  that 
(whatsoever  different  representations  may  be  made)  in  returning  to  camp, 
with  the  division  under  his  command,  he  is  justifiable,  and  conducted  as  an 
understanding,  prudent,  faithful  officer,  and  deserves  applause  rather  than 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  63 

who  awaked,  in  the  morning,  the  blanket  was  suddenly 
thrown  from  my  head,  but  what  was  my  surprise  to  find 
that  we  had  lain  under  a  cover  of  at  least  four  inches  of 
snow.  We  scarcely  had  risen  and  had  our  kettle  on  the 
fire,  when  our  drummer  (we  had  no  bugles),  John 
Shaeffer,  came  slipshod  to  our  fire,  complaining  that  all 
his  cakes  had  been  stolen  from  him.  A  more  wretched 
figure  was  scarcely  ever  beheld.  He  was  purblind.  This 
circumstance,  though  he  was  my  townsman,  and  ac 
quainted  with  me  from  my  earliest  infancy,  was  yet 
unknown  to  me  until  this  last  march,  ascending  the 


censure;   and  we  can  safely  recommend  him  as  a  person  worthy  to  be  em 
ployed  in  any  military  department. 


WILLIAM  HEATH,  Brig.-Gen.  JOEL  CLARK,  Lieut.-Col. 

JAMES  REED,  Colonel.  EBENEZER  SPROUT,  Major. 

J.  BREWER,  Colonel.  EBENEZER  CLAP,  Lieut.-Col. 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS,  Colonel.  SAMUEL  PRENTICE,  Major. 

JOSEPH  REED,  Colonel.  CALVIN  SMITH,  Major. 

JONATHAN  NIXON,  Colonel.  JOSIAH  HAYDEN,  Major. 

CHARLES  WEBB,  Colonel.  JOHN  BAILY,  Colonel. 

DANIEL  HITCHCOCK,  Colonel.  JOHN  TYLER,  Lieut.-Col. 

JOHN  STARK,  Colonel.  THOMAS  NIXON,  Lieut.-Col. 

LEVI  WELLS,  Major.  LOAMMI  BALDWIN,  Colonel. 

SAMUEL  WYLLYS,  Colonel.  JAMES  WESSON,  Lieut.-Col. 

WILLIAM  SHEPARD,  Lieut.-Col.  ISAAC  SHERMAN,  Major. 
ANDREW  COLBURN,  Major. 

Now,  let  Dr.  Smith,  of  Philadelphia,  display  the  malignity  of  his  heart 
in  another  funeral  oration,  in  attempting  to  stab  my  reputation,  and  render 
me  infamous  in  the  view  of  the  world.  However,  I  will  venture  to  assert, 
that  if  ill-nature,  and  a  fondness  to  raise  his  reputation  on  the  ruin  of  his 
fellow-men,  are  as  discernible  in  his  other  political  writings  as  in  this  oration, 
so  far  as  it  respects  my  character,  he  is  one  of  the  most  dangerous  writers, 
and,  perhaps,  the  most  consummate  villain,  that  walks  on  the  face  of  God's 
earth.  Ignorance  of  my  real  character,  and  of  the  grounds  and  reasons  of 
my  conduct  in  returning  from  the  expedition  to  Canada,  was  no  warrant 
for  such  indecent  freedom  as  he  has  used  in  his  malicious,  though  feeble 
attempt  to  ruin  my  reputation.  He  ought  to  have  waited  till  a  true  and 
impartial  history  of  the  facts  had  enabled  him  to  talk  on  the  subject  with 
propriety,  and  not  have  uttered  things  at  random ;  and,  for  the  sake  of 
furnishing  matter  for  declamation,  have  undertook,  with  such  violence,  to 
blacken  the  character  of  an  innocent  man.  ROGER  ENOS. 

New  London,  May  31,  1776. 


64  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

Dead  river,  commenced.  My  station  in  the  line  of 
march,  which  was  in  the  single  file  (or  Indian,  as  it  was 
then  called),  was  next  to  the  captain  ;  the  drummer 
followed.  Here  it  was  his  defect  of  sight  was  most 
effectually  shown.  Smith  was  lithsome  and  quick  afoot, 
as  we  all  were,  except  poor  Shaeffer.  In  the  course  of 
this  toilsome  march,  without  a  path,  many  deep  ravines 
presented,  over  these  lay  many  logs,  fallen  perhaps  many 
years  before.  The  captain  took  the  log,  preferring  it  to 
a  descent  of  twenty  or  thirty  feet  into  the  gulf  below, 
which  at  times  wasquite  abrupt.  Following  me,  Shaeffer 
would  frequently,  drum  and  all,  tumble  headlong  into  the 
abyss.  His  misfortunes  in  this  way,  for  he  was  a  laugh 
ing  stock,  excited  contempt  in  the  soldiers,  but  in  me 
compassion.1  Often,  he  required  my  aid.  On  this 


1  I  cannot  exactly  recollect  the  time,  but  the  records  of  government  will 
show,  that  this  miserable  man  was  indicted  of  a  burglary  and  convicted. 
His  respectable  brother,  Mr.  Jacob  ShaefYer  of  Lancaster  ^Penn.),  applied 
to  me  to  certify  in  his  favor  [it  was  in  1780  or  1781]  to  the  president 
and  council,  who  had  the  power  of  pardon.  The  representation  was,  in 
substance  similar  to  the  present.  This  part  of  our  transactions  rests  in  my 
memoryj  but  the  impression  is  so  strong,  that  I  cannot  forget  it.  It  gave 
me  great  pleasure  to  imagine,  that  probably  I  might  again  contribute  to 
the  saving  the  life  of  a  man,  which  I  had  actually  saved  once  before.  At 
that  time,  by  our  law,  the  punishment  of  burglary  was  death,  and  my  com 
patriot  Shaeffer,  was  under  that  sentence.  My  soul  was  grieved. 

In  a  drunken  bout  at  Philadelphia,  he  had  blindly  stumbled  into  a  house, 
which  he  took  to  be  his  lodgings.  Here  detected  in  one  of  the  chambers, 
he  was  charged  as  a  felon.  Gracious  God  !  upon  the  superfices  of  thy 
earth,  there  was  never  a  more  unoffending  soul.  He  could  scarcely  see  a 
yard  before  him. 

It  has  amused  and  pleased  me  often  to  hear  that  he  extols  me.  He  is 
now  industrious. 

The  fate  of  James  Warner,  among  others,  was  really  lamentable. 
He  was  young,  handsome  in  appearance,  not  more  than  twenty-five 
years  of  age  j  he  was  athletic  and  seemed  to  surpass  in  bodily  strength. 
Yet  withal  he  was  a  dolt.  His  wife  was  beautiful,  though  coarse  in  man 
ners.  The  husband  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  poor  devil,  constantly  out 
of  view,  or  in  the  background  of  the  pictures. 

We  heard  nothing  of  them  after  entering  the  marsh,  and  until  a  month 
had  elapsed  at  Quebec.  In  December,  the  wife  or  widow  of  poor  James 
Warner,  came  to  our  quarters  on  the  Low-grounds,  bearing  her  husband's 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.  ^5 

latter  occasion,  our  kettle,  boiling  a  bleary,  which  was 
no  other  than  flour  and  water,  and  that  without  salt,  my 
solicitations  prevailing,  the  mess  gave  him  a  tin  cup  full 
of  it.  He  received  from  me  my  third  cake.  This  man, 
blind,  starving  and  almost  naked,  bore  his  drum  (which 
was  unharmed  by  all  its  jostlings)  safely  to  Quebec,  when 
many  other  hale  men  died  in  the  wilderness. 

November  ist.  This  morning,  breakfasting  on  our 
bleary,  we  took  up  the  line  of  march  through  a  flat 
and  boggy  ground.  About  ten  o'clock  A.M.,  we  arrived 
by  a  narrow  neck  of  land  at  a  marsh  which  was  appalling. 
It  was  three-fourths  of  a  mile  over,  and  covered  by  a 


rifle,  his  powder-horn  and  pouch.  She  appeared  fresh  and  rosy  as  ever. 
This  arose  from  the  religious  and  gratuitous  spirit  of  the  Canadians. 

The  story  Mrs.  Jemima  Warner  told,  was  extremely  affecting,  and  may 
be  worth  remembering,  as  it  is  something  like  a  sample  of  the  whole  of 
our  distresses  and  intolerable  disasters. 

The  husband  was  a  great  eater.  His  stores  of  provisions  after  the  par 
tition,  at  the  head  of  the  Chaudiere,  were  in  a  little  time  consumed.  The 
consummate  wife  ran  back  from  the  marsh,  and  found  her  beloved  hus 
band  sitting  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  where  he  said  he  was  determined  to  die. 

The  tender-hearted  woman  attended  her  ill-fated  husband  several  days, 
urging  his  march  forward;  he  again  sat  down.  Finding  all  her  solicita 
tions  could  not  induce  him  to  rise,  she  left  him,  having  placed  all  the 
bread  in  her  possession  between  his  legs  with  a  canteen  of  water.  She 
bore  his  arms  and  ammdnition  to  Quebec,  where  she  recounted  the  story. 
The  nephews  of  Natanis,  afterwards  at  Quebec,  confirmed  the  relation  of 
this  good  woman.  For  when  going  up,  and  returning  down  the  river  with 
our  inestimable  friend  M'Cleland,  she  urged  them,  suffused  in  tears,  to  take 
her  husband  on  board.  They  were  necessarily  deaf  to  her  entreaties.  Thus 
perished  this  unfortunate  man  at  a  period  of  his  age  when  the  bodily  powers 
are  generally  in  their  full  perfection.  He  and  many  others,  who  died  in 
the  wilderness,  lost  their  lives  by  an  inconsiderate  gluttony.  They  ate  as 
much  at  a  meal  as  ought  to  have  been  in  our  circumstances  the  provision 
of  four  days,  and  a  march  of  one  hundred  miles.  Young  men  without 
knowledge  or  previous  experience  are  very  difficult  to  govern  by  sage  advice, 
when  the  rage  of  hunger  assails. 

To  conclude  this  lengthy  note,  allow  me  to  introduce  to  you  another 
instance  of  human  misery,  which  came  under  my  eye,  in  this  dolorous  and 
dreadful  march.  As  was  before  observed  in  the  body  of  the  work  "  At  the 
head  of  the  Chaudiere,  it  was  given  out  by  the  officers,  that  order  would 
not  be  required  from  the  soldiery  in  the  march,  etc."  Yet  the  companies, 
being  in  the  most  part  either  fellow-townsmen,  or  from  the  same  county, 
adhered  together,  bound  by  that  affectionate  attachment  which  is  engen- 


66  Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

coat  of  ice,  half  an  inch  thick.  Here  Simpson  concluded 
to  halt  a  short  time  for  the  stragglers  or  maimed  of  Hen- 
dricks's  and  Smith's  companies  to  come  up.  There 
were  two  women  attached  to  those  companies,  who 
arrived  before  we  commenced  the  march.  One  was 
the  wife  of  Sergeant  Grier,  a  large,  virtuous  and  re 
spectable  woman.  The  other  was  the  wife  of  a  private 
of  our  company,  a'man  who  lagged  upon  every  occasion, 
These  women  being  arrived,  it  was  presumed  that  all 
our  party  were  up.  We  were  on  the  point  of  entering 
the  marsh,  when  some  one  cried  out  "  Warner  is  not 
here."  Another  said  he  had  u  sat  down  sick  under  a 


dered  by  the  locality  of  birth,  or  the  habitudes  of  long  and  severe  services, 
in  a  communion  and  endurance  of  hardships  and  desperate  adventures.  It 
appears  to  me  to  be  a  principle  of  the  human  mind,  "  that  the  more  hard 
ships  we  endure  in  company  of  each  other,  the  greater  becomes  our  esteem 
and  affection  for  our  fellow-sufferers."  For  myself,  this  is  said  from  expe 
rimented  woe  and  extreme  calamity. 

We  had  no  path,  the  river  was  our  guide.  One  day,  either  the  second 
or  third  of  this  march,  a  mountain  jutting  in  a  most  precipitate  form  into 
the  river  compelled  us  to  pass  the  margin  of  the  stream  upon  a  long  log, 
which  had  been  brought  thither  by  some  former  freshet.  The  bark  and 
limbs  of  the  tree  had  been  worn  away  by  the  rubbings  of  the  ice,  and  the 
trunk  lay  lengthwise  along  the  narrow  passage,  smooth  and  slippery,  and 
gorged  the  pass.  This  difficulty  had  collected  here  a  heterogeneous  mass  of 
the  troops,  who  claimed  the  right  of  passage  according  to  the  order  of 
coming  to  it.  The  log  was  to  be  footed,  or  the  water,  of  the  depth  of 
three  or  four  feet,  must  be  waded.  There  was  no  alternative.  An  eastern 
man,  bare-footed,  bare-headed,  and  thinly  clad,  lean  and  wretched  from 
abstinence,  with  his  musket  in  hand,  passed  the  log  immediately  before  me. 
His  foot  slipped,  and  he  fell  several  feet  into  the  water.  We  passed  on  re 
gardless  of  his  fate.  Even  his  immediate  friends  and  comrades,  many  of 
whom  were  on  the  log  at  the  same  moment,  did  not  deign  to  lend  him  an 
assisting  hand.  Death  stared  us  in  the  face.  I  gave  him  a  sincere  sigh  at 
parting,  for  to  lose  my  place  in  the  file,  might  have  been  fatal.  This  piti 
able  being  died  in  the  wilderness.  The  hard  fate  of  many  others  might  be 
recapitulated,  but  the  dreadful  tale  of  incidents,  if  truly  told,  would  merely 
serve  to  lacerate  the  heart  of  pity,  and  harrow  up  the  feelings  of  the  soul  of 
benevolence.  Tears  many  years  since,  have  often  wetted  my  cheeks, 
when  recollecting  the  disasters  of  that  unfortunate  campaign,  the  memora 
ble  exit  of  my  dearest  friends,  and  of  many  worthy  fellow-citizens,  whose 
worth  at  this  time,  is  embalmed  solely  in  the  breasts  of  their  surviving  as 
sociates.  Seven  died  sheerly  from  famine  $  and  many  others  by  disorders 
arising  from  hard  service  in  the  wilderness. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  6 7 

tree,  a  few  miles  back."  His  wife  begging  us  to  wait  a 
short  time,  with  tears  of  affection  in  her  eyes,  ran  back 
to  her  husband.  We  tarried  an  hour.  They  came  not. 
Entering  the  pond  (Simpson  foremost),  and  breaking 
the  ice  here  and  there  with  the  buts  of  our  guns  and  feet, 
as  occasion  required,  we  were  soon  waist  deep  in  the 
mud  and  water.  As  is  generally  the  case  with  youths, 
it  came  to  my  mind,  that  a  better  path  might  be  found 
than  that  of  the  more  elderly  guide.  Attempting  this., 
in  a  trice  the  water  cooling  my  armpits,  made  me  gladly 
return  into  the  file.  Now  Mrs.  Grier  had  got  before 
me.  My  mind  was  humbled,  yet  astonished,  at  the 
exertions  of  this  good  woman  Her  clothes  more  than 
waist  high,  she  waded  before  me  to  the  firm  ground. 
No  one,  so  long  as  she  was  known  to  us,  dared  intimate 
a  disrespectful  idea  of  her.  Her  husband,  who  was  an 
excellent  soldier,  was  on  duty  in  Hendncks's  boat,  which 
had  proceeded  tothe  discharge  of  the  lake  with  Lieutenant 
M'Cleland.  Arriving  at  firm  ground,  and  waiting  again 
for  our  companions,  we  then  set  off,  and  in  a  march  of 
several  miles,  over  a  scrubby  and  flat  plain,  arrived  at  a 
river  flowing  from  the  east  into  the  Chaud:ere  lake. 
This  we  passed  in  a  bateau,  which  the  prudence  of 
Colonel  Arnold  had  stationed  here,  for  our  accommoda 
tion  ;  otherwise  we  must  have  swam  the  stream,  which 
was  wide  and  deep.  In  a  short  time  we  came  to  another 
river  flowing  from  the  same  quarter,  still  deeper  and 
wider  than  the  former.  Here  we  found  a  bateau,  under 
the  superintendency  of  Capt.  Dearborn,  in  which  we 
passed  the  river.  We  skirted  the  river  to  its  mouth, 
then  passed  along  the  margin  of  the  lake  to  the  outlet  of 
Chaudiere,  where  we  encamped  with  a  heterogeneous 
mass  of  the  army.  It  was  soon  perceived  that  the 
French  term  Cbaudiere,  was  most  aptly  applied  to  the 
river  below  us.  Indeed  every  part  of  it,  which  came 
under  our  view,  until  we  arrived  at  the  first  house  in 
Canada,  might  well  be  termed  a  caldron  or  boiler,  which 
is  the  import  of  its  French  name.  It  is  remarkable  of 


68  Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

this  river,  and  which,  to  me,  distinguishes  it  from  all 
others  I  had  seen,  that  for  sixty  or  seventy  miles  it  is  a 
continued  rapid,  without  any  apparent  gap  or  passage, 
even  for  a  canoe.  Every  boat  we  put  into  the  river  was 
stove  in  one  part  or  ether  of  it.  Capt.  Morgan  lost  all 
his  boats,  and  the  life  of  a  much  valued  soldier.  With 
difficulty  he  saved  his  own  life  and  the  treasure  committed 
to  his  care.  Arnold,  accompanied  by  Steele,  and  John 
M.  Taylor,  and  a  few  others,  in  a  boat,  were  in  the 
advance  of  the  army.  He  may  have  descended  in  a 
boat,  it  is  most  likely  he  did.1 

November  2d,  in  the  morning  we  set  off  from  the 
Chaudiere  lake,  and  hungered,  as  to  my  own  particular, 
almost  to  death.  What  with  the  supplies  to  Shaeffer, 
and  my  own  appetite,  food  of  any  kind,  with  me,  had 
become  a  nonentity.  My  own  sufferings,  in  the  two 
succeeding  marches,  from  particular  causes,  were  more 
than  ordinarily  severe.  My  moccasins  had,  many  days 
since,  been  worn  to  shreds  and  cast  aside  ;  my  shoes, 
though  they  had  been  well  sewed  and  hitherto  stuck  to 
gether,  now  began  to  give  way,  and  that  in  the  very 
worst  part  (the  upright  seam  in  the  heel).  For  one  to 
save  his  life,  must  keep  his  station  in  the  rank.  The 
moment  that  was  lost,  as  nature  and  reason  dictate,  the 
following  soldier  assumed  his  place.  Thus,  once  thrown 
out  of  the  file,  the  unfortunate  wretch  must  await  the 
passage  of  many  men,  until  a  chasm,  towards  the  rear, 
happened  to  open  for  his  admission.  This  explanation 
will  answer  some  questions  which  you  might  naturally 
put.  Why  did  you  not  sew  it  ?  Why  did  you  not  tie 
the  shoe  to  your  foot  ?  If  there  had  been  awl,  and  thread, 
and  strings  at  command,  which  there  was  not,  for  the 
causes  above  stated,  one  dared  not  have  done  either,  as 
the  probable  consequences  would  ensue  u  Death  by 
hunger  in  a  dreary  wilderness."  For  man  when  thrown 


1  June  a6th,  1809.      John  M.  Taylor   tells  me,  that   they  descended  by 
land. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  69 

out  of  society  is  the  most  helpless  of  God's  creatures. 
Hence  you  may  form  a  conception  of  the  intolerable 
labor  of  the  march.  Every  step  taken  the  heel  of  the 
foot  slipped  out  of  the  shoe  :  to  recover  the  position  of 
the  foot  in  the  shoe,  and  at  the  same  time  to  stride,  was 
hard  labor,  and  exhausted  my  strength  to  an  unbearable 
degree.  You  must  remember  that  this  march  was  not 
performed  on  the  level  surface  of  the  parade,  but  over 
precipitous  hills,  deep  gullies,  and  even  without  the  path 
of  the  vagrant  savage  to  guide  us.  Thus  we  proceeded 
till  towards  mid-day,  the  pale  and  meagre  looks  of  my 
companions,  tottering  on  their  feeble  limbs,  correspond 
ing  with  my  own.  My  friend  Simpson,  who  saw  my 
enfeebled  condition  and  the  cause,  prevailed  with  the 
men  to  rest  themselves  a  few  minutes.  Bark,  the  only 
succedaneum  for  twine,  or  leather,  in  this  miserable 
country,  was  immediately  procured  arid  the  shoe  bound 
tightly  to  the  foot.  Then  marching  hastily,  in  the 
course  of  an  hour  or  more,  we  came  within  view  of  a 
tremendous  cataract  in  the  river,  from  twelve  to  twenty 
feet  high.  The  horror  this  sight  gave  us,  fearing  for 
the  safety  of  our  friends  in  the  boats,  was  aggravated, 
when  turning  the  point  of  a  steep  crag,  we  met  those 
very  friends  ;  having  lost  all  but  their  lives,  sitting  around 
a  fire  on  the  shore.  Oh  God  !  what  were  our  sensa 
tions  !  Poor  M'Cleland,  first  lieutenant  of  Hendricks's, 
and  for  whose  accommodation  the  boat  was  most  par 
ticularly  carried  across  the  mountain,  was  lying  at  the 
fire  ;  he  beckoned  to  us.  His  voice  was  not  audible  ; 
placing  my  ear  close  to  his  lips,  the  word  he  uttered 
scarcely  articulate,  was,  "  Farewell."  Simpson,  who 
loved  him,  gave  him  half  of  the  pittance  of  food  which 
he  still  possessed  ;  all  I  could  was  — a  tear.  The  short, 
but  melancholy  story  of  this  gentleman,  so  far  as  it  has 
come  to  my  knowledge,  may  be  detailed  in  a  few  words. 
He  had  resided  on  the  Juniata  at  the  time  he  was  com 
missioned.  My  knowledge  of  him  commenced  in  the 
camp  near  Boston.  He  was  endowed  with  all  those 


jo  Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

qualities  which  win  the  affections  of  men.  Open,  brave, 
sincere  and  a  lover  of  truth.  On  the  Dead  river,  the 
variable  weather  brought  on  a  cold  which  affected  his 
lungs.  The  tenderness  of  his  friends  conducted  him 
safely,  though  much  reduced,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain, 
at  the  head  of  the  Dead  river.  Hence  he  was  borne  in 
a  litter  across  the  mountain  by  men.  If  you  had  seen 
the  young,  yet  venerable  Capt.  Hendricks  bearing  his 
share  of  this  loved  and  patriotic  burden  across  the  plain 
to  our  camp,  it  would  have  raised  esteem,  if  not  affection, 
towards  him.  From  our  camp,  M'Cleland  was  trans 
ported,  in  the  boat,  to  the  place  where  we  found  him. 
The  crew,  conducting  the  boat,  though  worthy  men  and 
well  acquainted  with  such  kind  of  navigation,  knew 
nothing  of  this  river.  They  descended,  unaware  of  the 
pitch  before  them,  until  they  had  got  nearly  into  the 
suck  of  the  falls.  Here,  luckily,  a  rock  presented,  on 
which  it  was  so  contrived  as  to  cause  the  boat  to  lodge. 
Now  the  crew,  with  great  labor  and  danger,  bore  their 
unfortunate  lieutenant  to  the  shore,  where  we  found  him. 
We  passed  on,  fearful  for  our  own  lives.  Coming  to  a 
long  sandy  beach  of  the  Chaudiere,  for  we  sometimes 
had  such,  some  men  of  our  company  were  observed  to 
dart  from  the  file,  and  with  their  nails,  tear  out  of  the 
sand,  roots  which  they  esteemed  eatable,  and  ate  them 
raw,  even  without  washing.  Languid  and  woe- begone 
as  your  father  was,  it  could  not  but  create  a  smile  to 
observe  the  whole  line  watching,  with  Argus  eyes,  the 
motions  of  a  few  men  who  knew  the  indications  in  the 
sand  of  those  roots.  The  knowing  one  sprung,  half  a 
dozen  followed,  he  who  grabbed  it  ate  the  root  instantly. 
Though  hunger  urged,  it  was  far  from  me  to  contend  in 
that  way  with  powerful  men,  such  as  those  were.  Strokes 
often  occurred. 

During  this  day's  march  (about  I  o  or  1 1  A.M.)  my  shoe 
having  given  away  again,  we  came  to  a  fire,  where  were 
some  of  Captain  Thayer  or  Topham's  men.  Simpson 
was  in  front ;  trudging  after,  slipshod  and  tired,  I  sat 


Campaign  against:  Quebec,  1775.  71 

down  on  the  end  of  a  long  log,  against  which  the  fire 
was  built,  absolutely  fainting  with  hunger  and  fatigue, 
my  gun  standing  between  my  knees.  Seating  myself, 
that  very  act  gave  a  cast  to  the  kettle  which  was  placed 
partly  against  the  log,  in  such  a  way  as  to  spill  two- 
thirds  of  its  contents.  At  the  moment  a  large  man 
sprung  to  his  gun,  and  pointed  it  towards  me,  he  threa 
tened  to  shoot.  It  created  no  fear ;  his  life  was  with 
much  more  certainty  in  my  power.  Death  would  have 
been  a  welcome  visitor.  Simpson  soon  made  us  friends. 
Coming  to  their  fire,  they  gave  me  a  cup  of  their  broth. 
A  table  spoonful  was  all  that  was  tasted.  It  had  a 
greenish  hue,  and  was  said  to  be  that  of  a  bear.  This 
was  instantly  known  to  be  untrue,  from  the  taste  and 
smell.  It  was  that  of  a  dog.  He  was  a  large  black 
Newfoundland  dog,  belonging  to  Thayer's1  and  very  fat. 
We  left  these  merry  fellows,  for  they  were  actually  such, 
maugre  all  their  wants,  and  marching  quickly,  towards 
evening  encamped.  We  had  a  good  fire,  but  no  food. 
To  me  the  world  had  lost  its  charms.  Gladly  would 
death  have  been  received  as  an  auspicious  herald  from 
the  divinity.  My  privations  in  every  way  were  such  as 
to  produce  a  willingness  to  die.  Without  food,  without 
clothing  to  keep  me  warm,  without  money,  and  in  a 
deep  and  devious  wilderness,  the  idea  occurred,  and 
the  means  were  in  my  hands,  of  ending  existence.  The 
God  of  all  goodness  inspired  other  thoughts.  One  princi 
pal  cause  of  change  (under  the  fostering  hand  of  Provi 
dence)  in  my  sentiments,  was  the  jovial  hilarity  of  my 
friend  Simpson.  At  night,  warming  our  bodies  at  an 
immense  fire,  our  compatriots  joined  promiscuously 
around  —  to  animate  the  company,  he  would  sing  Plato  ; 
his  sonorous  voice  gave  spirit  to  my  heart,  and  the 
morality  of  the  song,  consolation  to  my  mind.  In  truth 
the  music,  though  not  so  correct  as  that  of  Handel, 


1  Said   to  have    belonged   to    Dearborn,    afterwards    Maj.  Gen.    Henry 
Dearborn,  of  the  United  States  army. —  M. 


72  Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

added  strength  and  vigor  to  our  nerves.  This  evening 
it  was,  that  some  of  our  companions,  whose  stomachs 
had  not  received  food  for  the  last  forty-eight  hours, 
adopted  the  notion  that  leather,  though  it  had  been 
manufactured,  might  be  made  palatable  food,  and  would 
gratify  the  appetite.  Observing  their  discourse,  to  me 
the  experiment  became  a  matter  of  curiosity.  They 
washed  their  moccasins  of  moose-skin,  in  the  first  place, 
in  the  river,  scraping  away  the  dirt  and  sand,  with  great 
care.  These  were  brought  to  the  kettle  and  boiled  a 
considerable  time,  under  the  vague  but  consolatory 
hope  that  a  mucilage  would  take  place.  The  boiling 
over,  the  poor  fellows  chewed  the  leather,  but  it  was 
leather  still  ;  not  to  be  macerated.  My  teeth,  though 
young  and  good,  succeeded  no  better.  Disconsolate  and 
weary,  we  passed  the  night. 

November  3d.  We  arose  early,  hunger  impelling, 
and  marched  rapidly.  After  noon,  on  a  point  on  the 
bank  of  the  river,  some  one  pretended  he  descried  the 
first  house,  ten  miles  off.  Not  long  after  another  dis 
cerned  a  boat  coming  towards  us,  and  turning  a  point  of 
land,  presently  all  perceived  cattle  driving  up  the  shore. 
These  circumstances  gave  occasion  to  a  feeble  huzza 
of  joy,  from  those  who  saw  these  cheerful  and  enlivening 
sights.  We  were  now  treading  a  wide  and  stony  beach 
of  the  river.  Smith,  our  captain,  who  at  this  moment 
happened  to  be  in  company,  elated  with  the  prospect  of 
a  supply  of  food,  in  the  joy  of  his  heart,  perhaps  thought 
lessly,  said  to  me,  "  take  this  Henry."  It  was  gladly 
received.  Opening  the  paper,  which  had  been  neatly 
folded,  there  appeared  a  hand's  breath  and  length  of 
bacon-fat,  of  an  inch  thick  ;  thoughtlessly,  it  was  eaten 
greedily,  inattentive  to  all  former  rule,  and  thanks  to 
God,  did  me  no  harm.  Here  it  was  that  for  the  first 
time,  Aaron  Burr,  a  most  amiable  youth  of  twenty, 
came  to  my  view.  He  then  was  a  cadet.  It  will  re 
quire  a  most  cogent  evidence  to  convince  my  mind, 
that  he  ever  intended  any  ill  to  his  country  of  late  years, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  73 

by  his  various  speculations.  Though  differing  in  politi 
cal  opinion  from  him,  no  reason  has  as  yet  been  laid  before 
me,  to  induce  a  belief  that  he  was  traitorous  to  his 
country.  However,  take  this  as  the  wayward  ideas  of  a 
person  totally  excluded  from  a  knowledge  of  the  secrets 
of  the  cabinet  ;  who  was  somewhat  attentive  to  its 
operations,  so  far  as  newspaper  information  can  elucidate. 

We  marched  as  hastily  as  our  wearied  and  feeble 
limbs  could  admit,  hoping  soon  to  share  in  something 
like  an  abysinian  feast.  The  curvatures  of  the  river 
had  deceived  us  in  the  calculation  of  distance.  It  was 
many  hours  ere  we  came  to  the  place  of  slaughter.  We 
found  a  fire,  but  no  provision,  except  a  small  quantity 
of  oaten  meal,  resembling  in  grit,  our  chopped  rye. 
Simpson  warmed  some  of  this  in  water,  and  ate  with 
gout.  To  me  it  was  nauseous ;  this  may  have  been 
owing  to  the  luncheon  from  Smith's  hoard.  The  French 
men  told  us,  that  those  who  preceded,  had  devoured  the 
very  entrails  of  the  cattle.  One  of  the  eastern  men,  as 
we  came  to  the  fire,  was  gorging  the  last  bit  of  the  colon, 
half  rinsed,  half  broiled.  It  may  be  said,  he  ate  with 
pleasure,  as  he'  tore  it  as  a  hungry  dog  would  tear  a 
haunch  of  meat.  We  soon  encamped  for  the  night, 
cheered  by  the  hope  of  succor. 

November  4th.  About  two  o'clock,  P.M.,  we  arrived 
at  a  large  stream  coming  from  the  east,  which  we  ran 
through,  though  more  than  mi'd-deep.  This  was  the 
most  chilling  bath  we  had  hitherto  received  ;  the  weather 
was  raw  and  cold.  It  was  the  ijth,  and  the  harshest 
of  my  birthdays.  Within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
river,  stood  the  first  house  in  Canada  ;  we  approached 
it  in  ecstacy,  sure  of  being  relieved  from  death  by  the 
means  of  famine.  Many  of  our  compatriots  were  un 
aware  of  that  death  which  arises  from  sudden  repletion. 
The  active  spirit  of  Arnold,  with  such  able  assistants  as 
John  M.  Taylor  and  Steele,  had  laid  in  a  great  stock  of 
provisions.  The  men  were  furious,  voracious,  and  insa 
tiable.  Three  starvations  had  taught  me  wisdom.  My 
7 


74  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

friends  took  my  advice.  But,  notwithstanding  the  irre 
fragable  arguments  the  officers  used  to  insure  modera 
tion,  the  men  were  outrageous  upon  the  subject  ;  they 
had  no  comprehension  of  such  reasoning.  A  Pennsyl- 
vanian  German  of  our  company,  a  good  and  orderly 
soldier,  who,  from  my  affection  towards  him,  I  watched 
like  another  Doctor  Pedro  Positive  ;  yet  all  representa 
tion  and  reasoning  on  my  part,  had  no  influence.  Boiled 
beef,  hot  bread,  potatoes,  boiled  and  roasted,  were  gor 
mandized  without  stint.  He  seemed  to  defy  death,  for 
the  mere  enjoyment  of  present  gratification,  and  died 
two  days  after.  Many  of  the  men  sickened.  If  not 
much  mistaken,  we  lost  three  of  our  company  by  their 
imprudence  on  this  occasion.  The  immediate  extension 
of  the  stomach  by  food  after  a  lengthy  fast,  operates  a 
more  sudden  extinction  of  life,  than  the  total  absence  of 
aliment.  At  this  place  we,  for  the  first  time,  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  the  worthy  and  respectable  Indian, 
Natanis,  and  his  brother  Sabatis,  with  some  others  of 
their  tribe,  the  Abenaquis.  Lieutenant  Steele  told  us 
that  when  he  first  arrived,  Natanis  came  to  him,  in  an 
abrupt  but  friendly  manner,  and  gave  him  a  cordial  shake 
by  the  hand,  intimating  a  previous  personal  knowledge 
of  him.  When  we  came,  he  approached  Cunningham, 
Boyd,  and  myself,  and  shook  hands  in  the  way  of  an 
old  acquaintance.  We  now  learned  from  him,  that  on 
the  evening  when  we  first  encamped  on  the  Dead  river 
(September  29th)  in  our  first  ascension,  he  lay  within 
view  of  our  camp,  and  so  continued  daily  and  nightly  to 
attend  our  voyage,  until  the  path  presented  which  led 
directly  into  Canada.  This  he  took  ;  to  the  question, 
"  Why  did  you  not  speak  to  your  friends  ?  He  readily 
answered,  and  truly,  u  You  would  have  killed  me." 
This  was  most  likely,  as  our  prejudices  against  him  had 
been  most  strongly  excited,  and  we  had  no  limit  in  our 
orders,  as  to  this  devoted  person.  He,  his  brother  Saba 
tis,  and  seventeen  other  Indians,  the  nephews  and  friends 
of  Natanis,  marched  with  us  to  Quebec.  In  the  attack 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  75 

of  that  place,  on  the  morning  of  the  first  of  January 
following,  Natanis  received  a  musket  ball  through  his 
wrist.  He  adopted  a  chirurgery  which  seemed  extraor 
dinary  at  the  time,  and  quite  new,  but  which  now  seems 
to  me  to  be  that  of  nature  itself.  He  drew  a  pledget  of 
linen  quite  through  the  wound,  the  ends  of  which  hung 
down  on  each  side  of  the  arm.  He  was  taken  prisoner, 
but  General  Carleton  discharged  him  immediately  with 
strong  tokens  of  commiseration.  This  is  the  first  instance 
in  the  course  of  our  revolutionary  war,  of  the  employ 
ment  of  Indians  in  actual  warfare  against  our  enemies. 
To  be  sure  it  was  the  act  of  a  junior  commander,  un 
warranted,  so  far  as  has  come  to  my  knowledge,  by  the 
orders  of  his  superiors  ;  yet  it  seemed  to  authorize,  in  a 
small  degree,  upon  the  part  of  our  opponents,  that  horri 
ble  system  of  aggression  which  in  a  short  time  ensued, 
and  astonished  and  disgusted  the  civilized  world. 

November  5th.  Hunger,  which  neither  knows  go 
vernance  or  restraint,  being  now  gratified,  we  turned  our 
attention  towards  our  friends,  who  were  still  in  the  wil 
derness.  Smith  and  Simpson  (for  recollection  does  not 
serve  to  say  how  my  friends  Hendricks  and  Nichols 
were  employed,  but  it  was  certainly  in  doing  good), 
always  active,  procured  two  young  Indians,  nephews  of 
Natanis,  "  Sweet  fellows,"  as  Simpson  called  them,  to 
proceed  on  the  following  morning  to  the  great  fall,  for 
the  person  of  the  invaluable  M'Cleland.  Before  we 
started,  it  gave  me  pleasure  to  see  these  youths,  excited 
by  the  reward  obtained,  pushing  their  birch-bark  canoe 
against  the  strict  current  of  the  river.  It  seemed  like 
an  egg-shell  to  bound  over  the  surface  of  the  waves  of 
every  opposing  ripple.  To  end  at  once  this  dolorous 
part  of  our  story  ;  the  young  men,  in  despite  of  every 
impediment  from  the  waters,  and  the  solicitations  of  the 
starved  wanderers  in  the  rear,  for  food,  hurried  on  to  the 
fall,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  brought  our 
dying  friend  to  the  first  house.  The  following  day  he 
died,  and  his  corpse  received  a  due  respect  from  the 


76  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

inhabitants  of  the  vicinage.  We  were  informed  of  this 
a  month  after.  This  real  Catholicism  towards  the  re 
mains  of  one  we  loved,  made  a  deep  and  wide  breach 
upon  my  early  prejudices,  which  since  that  period  has 
caused  no  regret ;  but  has  induced  a  more  extended  and 
paternal  view  of  mankind,  unbounded  by  sect  or  opinion. 
November  6th.  This  morning  we  marched  in  strag 
gling  parties,  through  a  flat  and  rich  country,  sprinkled, 
it  might  be  said,  decorated,  by  many  low  houses,  all 
white  washed,  which  appeared  to  be  the  warm  abodes 
of  a  contented  people.  Every  now  and  then,  a  chapel 
came  in  sight  ;  but  more  frequently  the  rude,  but  pious 
imitations  of  the  sufferings  of  our  Savior,  and  the 
image  of  the  virgin.  These  things  created  surprise,  at 
least,  in  my  mind,  for  where  I  thought  there  could  be 
little  other  than  barbarity,  we  found  civilized  men,  in  a 
comfortable  state,  enjoying  all  the  benefits  arising  from 
the  institutions  of  civil  society.  The  river,  along  which 
the  road  ran,  in  this  day's  march,  became  in  the  most 
part  our  guide.  It  now  flowed  in  a  deep  and  almost 
sightless  current,  where  my  opportunities  gave  me  a 
view.  Our  abstemiousness,  was  still  adhered  to.  About 
noon  of  the  next  day,  we  arrived  at  the  quarters  of 
Arnold,  a  station  he  had  taken  for  the  purpose  of  halt 
ing  and  embodying  the  whole  of  our  emaciated  and 
straggling  troops.  We  were  now  perhaps  thirty  miles 
from  point  Levi ;  which  is  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
nearly  opposite  to  Quebec.  Now  our  mess  had  "  friends 
at  court."  Arnold,  since  we  left  the  twelve-mile  carry 
ing  place,  the  last  time,  had,  deservedly,  taken  Steele  as 
a  guide,  into  his  mess  ;  and  he  had  become  a  kind  of 
aid-de-camp  —  he  was,  to  say  no  more,  a  confidential 
man.  John  M.  Taylor,  keen  and  bold  as  an  Irish  grey 
hound,  was  of  our  company,  being  a  ready  penman  and 
excellent  accountant.  He  was  at  once  exalted,  by  the 
shrewd  and  discerning  eye  of  Arnold,  to  the  offices  of 
purveyor  and  commissary.  We  had  no  distinctions  of 
office,  scarcely  any  of  rank,  in  those  days.  Our  squad, 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  77 

in  consequence,  came  boldly  up  to  head-quarters,  though 
we  came  not  now  into  their  presence.  Steele,  who  was 
in  waiting,  pointed  to  the  slaughter-house,  a  hundred 
yards  distant.  Thither  we  went,  determined  to  indulge. 
Here  we  found  our  friend  Taylor,  worried  almost  to 
death,  in  dealing  out  the  sustenance  of  life  to  others. 
Without  hyperbole  or  circumlocution,  he  gave  us  as 
many  pounds  of  beef-steaks  as  we  chose  to  carry.  Pro 
ceeding  to  the  next  house,  a  mile  below,  some  one  of 
the  party  became  cook.  Good  bread  and  potatoes,  with 
the  accompaniment  of  beef  steak,  produced  a  savory 
meal.  Believing  myself  out  of  danger  from  any  extra 
ordinary  indulgence  of  appetite,  the  due  quantity  was 
exceeded,  and  yet,  believe  me,  it  was  not  more  than  an 
anchorite  might  religiously  take.  We  soon  became 
sensible  of  this  act  of  imprudence.  The  march  of  the 
afternoon  was  a  dull  and  heavy  one.  A  fever  attacked 
me.  I  became,  according  to  my  feelings,  the  most 
miserable  of  human  beings.  Determined  not  to  lag  be 
hind,  my  eyes,  at  times,  could  scarcely  discern  the  way, 
nor  my  legs  do  their  office.  We  did  not  march  far  this 
afternoon.  In  this  high  latitude,  a  winter's  day  is  very 
short  and  fleeting.  The  evening  brought  me  no  com 
fort,  though  we  slept  warmly  in  a  farm  house. 

November  yth.  The  army  now  formed  into  more 
regular  and  compact  order  ;  in  the  morning  pretty 
early  we  proceeded.  About  noon  my  disorder  had  in 
creased  so  intolerably,  that  I  could  not  put  a  foot  forward. 
Seating  myself  upon  a  log  at  the  way  side,  the  troops 
passed  on.  In  the  rear  came  Arnold  on  horseback.  He 
knew  my  name  and  character,  and,  good  naturedly,  in 
quired  after  my  health.  Being  informed,  he  dismounted, 
ran  down  to  the  river  side,  and  hailed  the  owner  of  the 
house,  which  stood  opposite  across  the  water.  The 
good  Canadian,  in  his  canoe,  quickly  arrived.  Deposit 
ing  my  gun  and  accoutrements  in  the  hands  of  one  of  our 
men,  who  attended  upon  me,  and  had  been  disarmed  by 
losing  his  rifle  in  some  one  of  the  wreckings  above,  and 


7 8  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

Arnold  putting  two  silver  dollars  into  my  hands,  the 
Frenchman  carried  me  to  his  house.  Going  to  bed  with 
a  high  fever  upon  me  I  lay  all  this  and  the  following  day 
without  tasting  food.  That  bad  been  the  cause  of  the 
disease,  its  absence  became  the  cure. 

November  loth.  The  morning  of  the  third  day 
brought  me  health.  The  mistress  of  the  house,  who 
had  been  very  attentive  and  kind,  asked  me  to  breakfast. 
This  humble,  but  generous  meal,  consisted  of  a  bowl  of 
milk,  for  the  guest,  with  excellent  bread.  The  fare  of 
the  family  was  this  same  bread,  garlic,  and  salt  —  I  had 
observed,  that  this  was  the  usual  morning's  diet,  for  I 
lay  in  the  stove-room,  where  the  family  ate  and  slept. 
This  worthy  family  was  composed  of  seven  persons  ;. 
the  parents  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  five  charming, 
ruddy  children,  all  neatly  and  warmly  clothed  in  woolen, 
apparently  of  their  own  manufacture.  You  might 
suppose,  from  the  manner  of  their  living,  that  these 
persons  were  poor.  No  such  thing.  They  were  in 
good  circumstances.  Their  house,  barn,  stabling,  etc., 
were  warm  and  comfortable,  and  their  diet  such  as 
is  universal  among  the  French  peasantry  of  Canada. 
Proffering  my  two  dollars  to  this  honest  man,  he  rejected 
them  with  something  like  disdain  in  his  countenance, 
intimating  to  me  that  he  had  merely  obeyed  the  dictates 
of  religion  and  humanity.  Tears  filled  my  eyes  when  I 
took  my  leave  of  these  amiable  people.  But  they  had 
not  even  yet  done  enough  for  me.  The  father  insisted 
on  attending  me  to  the  ferry  some  miles  off,  where  the 
river  takes  a  turn  almost  due  north,  to  meet  the  St.  Law 
rence.  Here  my  worthy  host  procured  me  a  passage 
scott  free,  observing  to  me  my  money  might  be  required 
before  the  army  could  be  overtaken.  Landing  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  river,  the  way  could  not  be  mistaken, 
the  track  of  the  army  had  strongly  marked  the  route. 
To  me  it  was  a  most  gloomy  and  solitary  march.  Not 
a  soul  was  to  be  seen  in  the  course  of  ten  miles.  Being 
without  arms,  and  in  an  unknown  country,  my  inconse- 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  79 

quence,  and  futileness  lay  heavy  on  my  spirits.  Here 
and  there  was  a  farm-house,  but  the  inhabitants  were 
either  closely  housed  or  absent  from  their  homes.  After 
noon,  arriving  at  the  quarters  of  our  company,  my  gun 
and  accoutrements  were  reclaimed  with  ardor,  and  a 
solemn  resolution  never  to  part  with  them  again,  unless 
it  happened  by  the  compulsion  of  the  foe.  The  house, 
which  the  company  possessed,  lay  some  hundreds  of 
paces  from  head-quarters,  but  within  view.  Morgan's 
quarters  were  nearer.  Where  Hendricks  made  his  lodg 
ment  is  not  now  recollected,  but  it  was  at  no  great 
distance. 

November  nth,  on  the  following  day,  our  guns  in 
order,  a  scene  opened,  which  then  and  now  seems  to  me 
to  have  exhibited  us  in  a  disreputable  point  of  view  j  it 
evinced,  at  least,  the  necessity  of  a  staid  and  sober  con 
duct  of  the  officer,  as  well  as  a  strict  subordination  and 
obedience  of  the  private.  A  hurried  and  boisterous  re 
port  came  from  head-quarters,  that  the  British  were 
landing  to  our  left  at  a  mill,  about  a  mile  off.  Each  one 
grasped  his  arms.  Morgan  and  the  Indians,  who  lay 
nearest  to  the  commander's  quarters,  were  foremost. 
The  running  was  severe.  The  lagging  Indians,  and 
a  variety  of  the  three  companies  were  intermingled. 
Coming  to  the  brow  of  the  precipice,  but  still  unseen, 
we  perceived  a  boat  landing,  which  came  from  a  frigate 
lying  in  the  stream  a  mile  below.  The  boat  came 
ashore.  A  youth  sprung  from  it.  The  tide  ebbing,  the 
boatswain  thought  it  better  to  obtain  a  deeper  landing- 
place,  nearer  the  mill,  and  drew  off.  Morgan,  appre 
hensive  of  a  discovery  of  our  presence,  fired  at  the  boat's 
crew.  A  volley  ensued  without  harm,  probably  because 
of  the  great  space  betweeen  us.  They  pulled  off  shore, 
until  beyond  the  range  of  our  guns,  leaving  the  midship 
man  to  our  mercy.  The  hapless  youth,  confounded, 
unknowing  what  to  do,  plunged  into  the  river,  hoping  to 
regain  his  boat.  His  friends  flying  from  him,  he  waded, 
he  swam,  yet  could  not  reach  the  boat.  At  the  distance, 


8o  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

perhaps  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  nothing  but  his 
head  above  water,  a  shooting-match  took  place,  and 
believe  me,  the  balls  of  Morgan,  Simpson,  Humphreys, 
and  others,  played  around,  and  within  a  few  inches  of 
his  head.  Even  after  a  lapse  of  thirty  years,  it  gives  me 
pain  to  recollect  that  my  gun  was  discharged  at  him. 
Such,  however,  was  the  savage  ferocity  engendered,  in 
those  ungracious  times,  by  a  devolution  of  the  ministry 
of  the  mother-country  from  the  true  line  of  conduct 
towards  her  colonies. 

M'Kensie  (the  name  of  the  young  man),  seeing  that 
his  boat's  crew  had  deserted  him,  showed  a  desire  to  sur 
render,  by  approaching  the  shore.  The  firing  ceased. 
But  a  still  more  disgusting  occurrence  than  the  preced 
ing,  followed.  The  lad,  coming  towards  the  shore, 
evidently  intending  to  submit,  Sabatis,  the  Indian,  the 
brother  of  Natanis,  sprung  forward,  scalping  knife  in 
hand,  seemingly  intending  to  end  the  strife  at  a  single 
blow.  The  humanity  of  Morgan  and  Humphreys, 
towards  a  succumbent  foe,  was  excited.  One  or  the 
other  of  them,  it  is  not  now  recollected  which,  in  par 
ticular,  by  his  agility  and  amazing  powers  of  body,  was 
enabled  to  precede  the  Indian  by  several  yards.  This 
contest  of  athleticism  was  observed  from  the  shore,  where 
we  were,  with  great  interest.  Morgan  brought  the  boy 
(for  he  was  really  such),  to  land,  and  afterwards  esteemed 
him,  for  he  merited  the  good  will  of  a  hero.  Wet  and 
hungry,  we  returned  to  quarters.  Running  along  the 
shore  with  our  prey,  the  Hunter,  sloop  of  war,  having 
warped  up  for  the  purpose,  pelted  us  all  the  way  with 
ball  and  grape  shot.  It  was  no  easy  matter  to  ascend 
the  bank,  which  was  steep  and  craggy.  Our  prisoner 
was  prudently  loquacious,  and  very  genteel.  He  had 
left  the  sloop,  of  which  he  was  a  midshipman,  upon  com 
mand,  to  procure  spars  and  oars,  which  lay  in  the  mill. 
He  had  ordered  off"  the  boat  to  procure  a  better  landing, 
when  our  imprudent  fire  drove  his  people  from  him.  He 
was  the  brother  of  Captain  M'Kensie  of  the  Pearl  fri- 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  81 

gate.  In  1777,  the  young  M'Kensie  was  again  taken. 
I  saw  him  at  Lancaster  (Pennsylvania),  active,  lively, 
and  facetious  as  ever.  During  our  stay  at  Point  Levi, 
Colonel  Arnold  was  busily  engaged.  Being  now  dis 
covered,  it  became  us  to  pass  the  St.  Lawrence  as  soon 
as  possible.  The  main  difficulty  consisted  in  the  pro 
curement  of  boats  or  canoes.  Those  kinds  of  craft  on 
this  part  of  the  river  had,  previously  to  our  arrival,  been 
secured  by  the  vigilance  of  government,  which  it  is 
likely  had  some  intimation  of  an  inroad  in  the  direction 
we  came.  Twenty-five  canoes,  chiefly  of  birch  bark, 
were  with  difficulty  procured.  The  command  of  these 
was  conferred  upon  Lieutenant  Steele,  who  selected  the 
steersmen,  of  whom  it  came  to  me  to  be  one.  The 
passage,  if  practicable,  must  be  made  in  the  night,  and 
that  in  the  most  silent  manner,  at  a  time  the  tide  served. 
Between  the  hours  of  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  on  the 
night  of  the  J3th  of  November,  the  troops  paraded  on 
the  beach,  near  the  mill  before  mentioned,  without  noise 
or  bustle.  One  cargo  was  despatched  —  then  a  second  : 
upon  making  the  traverse  a  third  time,  an  accident 
happened  to  my  friend  Steele,  which  you  can  scarcely 
credit.  Being  at  a  considerable  distance  behind  with  his 
canoe,  I  could  not,  at  its  occurring,  observe  the  trans 
action,  nor  share  in  the  danger,  though  my  life  would 
have  been  willingly  risked  for  his,  and  yet  the  relation  of 
this  fact  is  most  unquestionably  true.  These  frequent 
asseverations  may  appear  somewhat  awkward,  and  to 
blur  the  detail  of  our  story ;  but  our  sufferings  were  so 
extraordinary  in  their  kinds,  and  so  aggravated  by  the 
nature  of  the  severe  services  we  underwent,  that  now-a- 
days  it  will  require  a  faith  almost  approaching  to  credulity, 
to  convince  the  mind  of  their  truth.  Steele  steered  a 
birch-bark  canoe,  the  weight,  and  it  is  likely  the  awkward 
ness  of  the  men,  when  about  the  middle  of  the  river 
(which  at  this  place  is  fully  two  miles  wide),  burst  the 
canoe.  The  men  who  were  in  it,  swam  to,  or  were 
taken  up,  by  the  canoes  nearest  to  them.  It  was  other- 


82  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

wise  with  Steele.  He  was  the  last  to  get  to  a  canoe 
under  the  management  of  the  worthy  Wheeler:  but  it 
was  full  of  men.  There  could  be  no  admittance.  The 
steersman  advised,  and  Steele  was  compelled  from  neces 
sity,  to  throw  his  arms  over  the  stern  —  Wheeler,  seating 
himself  upon  them,  so  as  to  hold  him  securely,  for  it 
was  a  bleak  and  numbing  night.  Thus,  in  this  manner 
was  this  worthy  and  adventurous  officer  floated  to  the 
shore  at  Wolf's  cove.  Here  there  was  an  uninhabited 
house.  A  fire  had  been  lighted  in  it,  by  some  of  our 
people,  who  first  landed.  It  became  a  pole-star  to  us  in 
the  rear,  we  steered  for  it.  Landing  about  half  an  hour 
after  Steele,  we  found  him  at  the  fire,  seemingly  chilled 
to  the  heart  ;  but  he  was  a  man  not  to  be  dispirited  by 
slight  matters.  Friction  soon  restored  him  to  his  usual 
animation.  The  moon,  now  about  three  o'clock,  shone 
brightly,  and  the  tide  run  out  rapidly,  so  that  the  passing 
of  the  rest  of  the  troops,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  in 
number,  this  night  was  given  up.  This  circumstance, 
of  the  absence  of  so  large  a  part  of  our  force,  was  known 
but  to  few.  They  joined  us  on  the  following  night.  It 
had  been  the  intention  of  our  chief  to  storm  the  town 
this  night  ;  but  the  deficiency  of  our  scaling  ladders, 
many  of  which  were  left  beyond  the  river,  now  repressed 
that  design. 

November  I4th.  The  troops  easily  ascended  the  hill, 
by  a  good  road  cut  in  it  slantingly.  This  was  not  the 
case  in  1759,  when  the  immortal  Wolf  mounted  here, 
it  was  then  a  steep  declivity,  enfiladed  by  a  host  of 
savages,  but  was  surmounted  by  the  eager  and  gallant 
spirit  of  our  nation. 

November  I5th.  Arriving  on  the  brow  of  the  pre 
cipice,  we  found  ourselves  on  the  plains  of  Abraham,  so 
deservedly  famous  in  story.  The  morning  was  cold, 
and  we  were  thinly  clad.  While  an  adventurous  party 
despatched  by  Arnold,  under  the  command  of  one  of 
Morgan's  lieutenants,  were  examining  the  walls  of  the 
city,  we  were  pacing  the  plains  to  and  fro,  in  silence, 


Campaign  against  ghiebec,  1775.  ^3 

to  keep   ourselves   warm.     The  winter    had  set   in  —  a 
cold  north-wester  blew,  with  uncommon  keenness.      By 
the  time  the  reconnoitering  party  returned,  daylight  was 
not  very  distant.     The  party  found  every  thing  towards 
the  city,  in  a  state   of  perfect   quietness.      This   report 
was   delivered,  in   my  presence,   to  Morgan,  however  the 
contrary  may  have  been  represented    since.      Not  even 
the  cry  of  "All's  well,"  was  uttered,  was  a  part  of  their 
report,  yet  we  heard  that  cry  from  the  walls,  even  where 
we  were  ;   but  this  in  a  direct  line,  was  nearer  to  us  than 
the  voices  opposite  to  the  party.     This  was   the   happy 
moment,  but  with  our  small  and   disjointed   force,  what 
could  be  done  ?     There  was   scarcely  more   than  three 
hundred   and    fifty  men,   willing   and    determined  to   be 
sure,  but  too  few  to  assail  a  fortress,  such  as  Quebec  is. 
If  that  had  been  known  this  night,  which  was  evidenced 
in  a   few    days   by  the    fugitives    from    the   city,  Arnold 
would    most   assuredly   have    hazarded    an   attack.      St. 
John's  gate,  which  opens  on  Abraham's  plains,  and   is  a 
most   important    station,  was   unbarred,    nay,   unclosed: 
nothing  but  a  single  cannon  under  the  care  of  a  drowsy 
watch,  was    there   as   a   defence  ;   we  were   not    a  mile 
distant,   and    might    have   entered    unknown,    and  even 
unseen.      These  are    uncertain   opinions,  resting  on    the 
vague  reports   of  the  moment,  which   might  have  been 
true,  or  untrue.      My  memory  is,   however,  fresh  in  the 
recollection    of   the    heart-burnings   this    failure    caused 
among  us.      Providence,  for  wise  purposes,  would   have 
it  otherwise.      Near  daylight,  requiring  rest  and  refresh 
ment,  the    troops    moved    a    mile,  to   a  farm-house    of 
Lieutenant  Governor  CaldwelPs.      This  was  a  great  pile 
of  wooden  buildings,  with   numerous   outhouses,  which 
testified   the  agricultural  spirit   and  taste  of  the   owner. 
He,  good  soul,  was  then  snug  in  Quebec.      Those  who 
came   first,    fared    well,  and   as   luck  would  have    it,  we 
were  of  the  number:   all  within  and  without    the  house, 
became  a  prey.      Adversity  had  destroyed   in  our  minds, 
every    decorous   or    delicate    sensation.      Guards    were 


84  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

stationed  next  the  city.  Wrapped  in  my  blanket^  fear 
less  of  events,  casting  my  person  on  the  floor  of  an  ele 
gant  parlor,  I  slept  sweetly  and  soundly,  till  two  in  the 
afternoon,  and  then  was  roused  solely  by  a  cry,  that  the 
enemy  was  advancing.  We  flew  to  arms,  and  rather  in 
a  hurried  manner  run  towards  the  city,  which  was  nearly 
two  miles  from  us.  We  saw  no  enemy.  It  turned  out 
that  a  Mr.  Ogden,  a  cadet  from  Jersey,  a  large  and 
handsome  young  man  in  favor  with  Arnold,  had  been 
authorized  to  place  the  sentinels  that  day.  He  did  place 
them,  most  stupidly.  George  Merchant,  of  Morgan's, 
a  man  who  would  at  any  time,  give  him  fair  play,  have 
sold  his  life  dearly,  he  stationed  in  a  thicket,  within  view 
of  the  enemy  ;  at  the  time  of  placing  him,  when  at  his 
post,  he  was  out  of  sight  of  the  garrison  ;  but  the  mis 
chief  was  (though  be  could  not  be  seen),  be  could  see 
no  one  approach  ;  he  was  taken  absolutely  unaware  of 
danger.  A  sergeant  of  the  seventh,  who,  from  the 
manner  of  the  thing,  must  have  been  clever,  accom 
panied  by  a  few  privates,  slily  creeping  through  the 
streets  of  the  suburbs  of  St.  John,  and  then  undercover 
of  the  bushes,  sprung  upon  the  devoted  Merchant,  even 
before  he  had  time  to  cock  his  rifle.  Merchant  was  a 
tall  and  handsome  Virginian.  In  a  few  days,  he,  hunt 
ing  shirt  and  all,  was  sent  to  England,  probably  as  a 
finished  specimen  of  the  riflemen  of  the  colonies.  The 
government  there  very  liberally,  sent  him  home  in  the 
following  year. 

The  capture  of  Merchant  grieved  us,  and  brought  us 
within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  city.  Arnold  had  the 
boldness,  you  might  say  the  audacity,  or  still  more  cor 
rectly,  the  folly,  to  draw  us  up  in  a  line,  in  front  and 
opposite  to  the  wall  of  the  city.  The  parapet  was  lined 
by  hundreds  of  gaping  citizens  and  soldiers,  whom  our 
guns  could  not  harm,  because  of  the  distance.  They 
gave  us  a  huzza  !  We  returned  it,  and  remained  a  con 
siderable  time  huzzaing,  and  spending  our  powder  against 
the  walls,  for  we  harmed  no  one.  Some  of  our  men  to 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775.  85 

the  right,  under  the  cover  of  something  like  ancient 
ditches  and  hillocks,  crept  forward  within  two  hundred 
yards  of  the  works,  but  their  firing  was  disregarded  by 
the  enemy  as  farcical.  Febiger,  who  was  a  real  and 
well  instructed  soldier,  and  engineer,  did  advance  singly 
within  a  hundred  paces,  and  pored  with  the  eye  of  an 
adept.  During  all  this,  as  my  station  in  the  line  hap 
pened  to  be  on  a  mound,  a  few  feet  higher  than  the  com 
mon  level  of  the  plain,  it  was  perceptible  through  the  em 
brasures  that  there  was  a  vast  bustle  within.  In  some 
minutes  a  thirty- six  pounder  was  let  loose  upon  us  ;  but 
sp  ill  was  the  gun  pointed,  that  the  ball  fell  short,  or 
passed  high  over  our  heads.  Another,  and  another 
succeeded  —  to  these  salutes,  we  gave  them  all  we  could, 
another  and  another  huzza.  It  must  be  confessed,  that 
this  ridiculous  affair  gave  me  a  contemptible  opinion  of 
Arnold.  This  notion  was  by  no  means  singular.  Morgan, 
Febiger  and  other  officers,  who  had  seen  service,  did 
not  hesitate  to  speak  of  it  in  that  point  of  view.  How 
ever,  Arnold  had  a  vain  desire  to  gratify,  of  which  we 
were  then  ignorant.  He  was  well  known  at  Quebec. 
Formerly,  he  had  traded  from  this  port  to  the  West 
Indies,  most  particularly  in  the  article  of  horses.  Hence, 
he  was  despised  by  the  principal  people.  The  epithet 
Horse  jockey  was  freely  and  universally  bestowed  upon 
him,  by  the  British.  Having  now  obtained  power,  he 
became  anxious  to  display  it  in  the  faces  of  those,  who 
had  formerly  despised  and  contemned  him.  The  vener 
able  Carleton,  an  Irishman  of  a  most  amiable  and  mild 
character,  Colonel  Maclean,  a  Scotchman,  old  in  war 
fare,  would  not,  in  any  shape,  communicate  with  him. 
If  Montgomery  had  originally  been  our  commander, 
matters  might  have  been  more  civilly  conducted.  This 
particularity  in  relating  a  most  trivial  and  disgusting 
occurrence,  arises  from  a  desire  to  set  before  you  a  cau 
tionary  rule,  which  it  will  be  prudent  for  you  to  observe 
in  your  historical  reading.  "  Do  not  believe  an  author, 
unless  the  story  he  relates  be  probable,  accompanied  by 
8 


86  Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

such  circumstances  as  might  reasonably  attend  the  trans 
action,  unless  he  is  corroborated  by  others,  who  speak 
on  that  subject."  Many  of  our  wisest  men,  within  the 
colonies,  wrote  and  spoke  of  this  bravading,  as  a  matter 
of  moment,  and  with  much  applause.  Even  some  of 
our  historians  (Gordon),  have  given  it  celebrity.  But  a 
more  silly  and  boastful  British  historian  (Amwell),  says 
there  was  a  dreadful  cannonade,  by  which  many  of  the 
rebels  were  destroyed.  The  truth  is,  that  this  day  not 
a  drop  of  blood  was  shed,  but  that  of  Governor  Cald- 
well's  horned  cattle,  hogs  and  poultry,  which  run  plenti 
fully.  After  this  victory  in  huzzaing,  which  was  boys* 
play,  and  suited  me  to  a  hair,  we  returned  to  quarters  to 
partake  of  the  good  things  of  this  world. 

November  15,  the  next  day,  a  scene  of  a  different 
kind  opened,  which  let  us  into  the  true  character  of 
Arnold.  In  the  wilderness,  the  men  had  been  stinted 
to  a  pint  of  flour  by  the  day.  This  scanty  allowance  of 
flour  had  been  continued  since  we  had  come  into  this 
plentiful  country.  Morgan,  Hendricks  and  Smith 
waited  upon  the  commander  in  chief,  to  represent  the 
grievance  and  obtain  redress.  Altercation  and  warm  lan 
guage  took  place.  Smith,  with  his  usual  loquacity,  told 
us  that  Morgan  seemed,  at  one  time,  upon  the  point  of 
striking  Arnold.  We  fared  the  better  for  this  interview. 

November  16,  on  the  following  day,  the  rifle  com 
panies  removed  further  from  the  city.  About  half  a 
mile  from  CaldwelPs  house,  our  company  obtained  ex 
cellent  quarters,  in  the  house  of  a  French  gentleman, 
who  seemed  wealthy.  He  was  pleasing  in  bis  manners, 
but  the  rudeness  our  ungovernable  men  exhibited,  created 
in  him  an  apparent  disgust  towards  us.  Here  we  re 
mained  near  a  week.  During  that  time,  we  had  con 
stant  and  severe  duty  to  perform.  There  was  a  large 
building  on  the  low  grounds,  near  the  river  St.  Charles, 
which  was  occupied  by  a  most  respectable  society  of 
ladies  as  a  nunnery.  In  the  front  of  this  house,  at  the 
distance  of  fifty  yards,  there  was  a  spacious  log  building, 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  87 

which  seemed  to  be  a  school  house,  occupied  by  the 
priesthood  attendant  on  the  nunnery.  This  house  we 
took  possession  of,  as  a  guard-house,  under  an  idea,  as 
it  stood  directly  between  the  town  and  the  nunnery, 
which  contained  some  precious  deposits,  that  they  had  not 
had  time  to  remove,  that  the  enemy  would  not  fire  in 
this  direction.  The  conjecture  was  just. 

November  16.  In  the  afternoon  a  distressing  occur 
rence  took  place  here,  notwithstanding  our  vicinity  to 
this  holy  place.  Towards  the  evening  the  guard  was 
relieved.  Lieut.  Simpson  commanded  it.  This  guard 
was  composed  of  two-and-twenty  fine  fellows,  of  our 
company.  When  the  relief-guard  came,  a  Frenchman, 
of  a  most  villainous  appearance,  both  as  to  person  and 
visage,  came  to  our  lieutenant,  with  a  written  order 
*rom  Colonel  Arnold,  commanding  him  to  accom 
pany  the  bearer,  who  would  be  our  guide  across 
the  river  St.  Charles,  to  obtain  some  cattle  feeding 
beyond  it,  on  the  account  of  government.  The  order 
in  the  first  instance,  because  of  its  preposterousness, 
was  doubted,  but,  upon  a  little  reflection,  obeyed. 
Knowing  the  danger,  our  worthy  lieutenant  also  knew 
the  best  and  only  means  of  executing  the  enterprise. 
The  call  u  come  on  lads,"  was  uttered,  We  ran  with 
speed  from  the  guard-house  some  hundreds  of  yards,  over 
the  plain  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Charles,  where  the 
ferry  is.  Near  the  ferry  there  was  a  large  wind-mill, 
and  near  it  stood  a  small  house  resembling  a  cooper's 
shop.  Two  carts  of  a  large  size  were  passing  the  ferry 
heavily  laden  with  the  household-stuff,  and  women  and 
children  of  the  townsmen  flying  from  the  suburbs  of  St. 
Roque,  contiguous  to  palace-gate,  to  avoid  the  terrible 
and  fatal  effects  of  war.  The  carts  were  already  in  a 
large  scow,  or  flat-bottomed  boat,  and  the  ferrymen, 
seeing  us  coming,  were  tugging  hard  at  the  ferry-rope, 
to  get  off  the  boat,  which  was  aground,  before  we  should 
arrive.  It  was  no  small  matter,  in  exertion,  to  outdo 
people  of  our  agility.  Simpson,  with  his  usual  good 


88  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

humor,  urged   the  race,  from   a   hope  that  the  garrison 
would  not  fire  upon  us,  when  in  the  boat  with  their  fly 
ing  townsmen,     The  weight  of  our  bodies  and  arms  put 
the  boat  aground  in  good  earnest.      Simpson  vociferously 
urging  the  men  to  free  the  boat,  directing  them  to  place 
their  guns  in  my  arms,  standing  on  the  bow.      He  ordered 
me  to  watch  the  flashes  of  the  cannon  I  of  the  city  near 
palace  gate.     Jumping  into  the  water  mid-deep,  all  but 
Sergeant  Dixon  and  myself,  they  were  pushing,  pulling, 
and  with  handspikes  attempting  to  float  the  scow.      One 
of  the  carts  stood  between  Dixon  and  myself  —  he  was 
tugging  at  the  ferry  rope.     Presently  a  shot  was  called, 
it  went  wide  of  the  boat,  its  mark.      The  exertions  of 
the  party  were  redoubled.      Keeping  an  eye  upon  the 
town,  the  sun  about  setting,  in  a  clear  sky,  the  view  was 
beautiful    indeed,    but   somewhat   terrific.      Battlements 
like  these  had  been  unknown  to  me.      Our  boat  lay  like 
a  rock  in  the  water,  and  was  a  target  at  point  blank  shot, 
about  three-fourths  of  a   mile  from  palace   gate,  which 
issues  into  St.  Roque.     I  would  have  adored  all  the  saints 
in  the  calendar,  if  honor  and  their  worships  would  have 
permitted  the  transportation  of  my  person  a  few  perches 
from  the  spot  where  it   then  stood,  by  the   austere  com 
mand  of  duty.      It  was    plainly  observable    that  many 
persons  were  engaged  in  preparing  the  guns  for  another 
discharge.      Our  brave  men  were  straining  every  nerve 
to  obtain   success.     "  A    shot,"  was   all  that   could  be 
said,  when  a  thirty-six  pound  ball,  touching  the  lower 
edge  of  the  nob  of  the  cart-wheel,  descending  a  little, 
took  the  leg  of  my  patriotic  friend   below  the  knee,  and 
carried  away  the  bones  of  that  part  entirely.      u  Oh  ! 
Simpson,"  he  cried,  "  I  am   gone."     Simpson,   whose 
heart  was  tender  and  kind,  leaped  into  the  boat :   calling 
to  the  men,  the  person  of  Dixon  was  borne  to  the  wind- 


1  This  was  a  ridiculous  practice,  universally  adopted  in  the  camp  near 
Boston,  and  was  now  pursued  at  this  place.  It  is  merely  designative  of  the 
raw  soldier.  Such  indications  of  fear  should  now  a-days  be  severely  repri 
manded. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  8 9 

mill.  Now  a  roar  of  triumph  was  heard  from  the  city, 
accompanied  by  some  tolerably  well  directed  shots.  The 
unfortunate  was  borne  at  a  slow  and  solemn  pace  to  the 
guard-house,  the  enemy,  every  now  and  then,  sending 
us  his  majesty's  compliments,  in  the  shape  of  a  twenty- 
four  or  thirty-six  pound  ball.  When  the  procession  came 
into  a  line  with  the  town,  the  guard-house  and  nunnery, 
the  firing  ceased.  At  the  time  we  were  most  busily  en 
gaged  with  Dixon,  at  the  windmill,  the  vile  Frenchman, 
aghast  and  horror  stricken,  fled  from  us  to  the  city.  If 
his  desertion  had  been  noticed  in  time,  his  fate  had  been 
sealed,  but  the  rascal  was  unobserved  till  he  had  run 
several  hundred  yards  along  the  beach  of  the  bay  of  St. 
Charles.  He  turned  out  to  be  a  spy,  purposely  sent  by 
government  to  decoy  and  entrap  us,  and  he  succeeded 
but  too  easily  with  the  vigilant  Arnold.  Dixon  was  now 
carried  on  a  litter  to  the  house  of  an  English  gentleman, 
about  a  mile  off.  An  amputation  took  place  —  a  tetanus 
followed,  which,  about  nine  o'clock  of  the  ensuing  day, 
ended  in  the  dissolution  of  this  honorable  citizen  and 
soldier.  There  are  many  reasons  for  detailing  this  affair 
so  minutely  to  you.  Among  these  are,  to  impress  upon 
your  minds  an  idea  of  the  manners  and  spirit  of  those 
times  :  our  means  and  rude  methods  of  warfare  :  but 
more  particularly  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  to  your 
observation  an  anecdote  of  Dixon,  which  is  characteristic 
of  the  ideas  and  feelings  then  entertained  by  the  gene 
rality  of  his  countrymen.  Before  we  left  our  native 
homes,  tea  had,  as  it  were,  become  an  abomination  even 
to  the  ladies.  The  taxation  of  it  by  the  parliament  of 
England,  with  design  to  draw  from  us  a  trifling  revenue, 
was  made  the  pretence  with  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
for  our  opposition  to  government.  The  true  ground, 
however,  with  the  politically  wise,  was,  that  that  law 
annihilated  our  rights  as  Englishmen.  It  is  an  axiom  of 
the  common  law  of  our  glorious  ancestors,  that  taxation 
and  representation  must  go  hand  in  hand.  This  rule 
was  now  violated.  Hence  it  was,  that  no  one,  male  or 


90  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

female,  knowing  their  rights,  if  possessed  of  the  least 
spark  of  patriotism,  would  deign  to  taste  of  that  delight 
ful  beverage.  The  lady  of  the  house,  though  not  one 
who  approved  of  our  principles  of  action,  was  very  at 
tentive  to  our  wounded  companion  :  she  presented  him 
a  bowl  of  tea;  u  No  madam,"  said  he,  "it  is  the  ruin 
of  my  country." 

November  lyth,  uttering  this  noble  sentiment,  this 
invaluable  citizen  died,  sincerely  lamented  by  every  one 
who  had  the  opportunity  of  knowing  his  virtues.  Dixon 
was  a  gentleman  of  good  property  and  education,  though 
no  more  than  the  first  sergeant  of  our  company.  His 
estate  lay  in  West  Hanover  township,  in  the  county  of 
Lancaster  (now  in  Daufhin).  He  was  an  agriculturist, 
which,  in  the  vagueness  and  uncertainty  of  our  language, 
is  called  a  farmer.  In  fact  he  was  a  freeholder,  the  pos 
sessor  of  an  excellent  tract  of  land,  accompanied  by  all 
those  agreeables  which  render  the  cultivator  of  the  earth, 
in  Pennsylvania,  the  most  independent,  and,  with  pru 
dent  economy,  the  most  happy  of  human  beings.  The 
following  morning,  Simpson  was  the  first  to  give  me  an 
account  of  Dixon's  death,  which  affected  us  much ;  his 
corpse  received  the  usual  military  honors.  Duty  com 
pelled  my  absence  elsewhere.  The  blood  of  Dixon  was 
the  first  oblation  made  upon  the  altar  of  Liberty  at  Que 
bec,  and  Merchant  was  the  first  prisoner.  The  latter 
was  a  brave  and  determined  soldier,  fitted  for  subordinate 
station  ;  the  former  was  intuitively  a  captain.  The  city 
and  vicinity  occupied  the  attention  of  the  commander 
nearly  a  week. 

November  i8th.  Not  being  fully  in  the  secret,  it 
does^  not  become  me  to  recount  the  causes  of  our  retreat 
to  Point  Aux  Tremble.  We  did,  however,  make  this 
retrograde  movement,  rather  in  a  slovenly  style,  accom 
panied,  probably,  by  the  maledictions  of  the  clergy  and 
nobility,  but  attended  by  the  regrets  of  a  host  of  well- 
wishers  among  the  peasantry.  Point  Aux  Tremble  is  at 
the  distance  of  twenty,  or  more,  miles  from  Quebec. 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  91 

The  route  thither,  though  in  a  severe  winter,  was  in 
teresting.  The  woods  were  leafless,  except  as  to  those 
trees  of  the  fir-kind  ;  but  numerous  neat  and  handsomely 
situated  farm  houses  and  many  beautiful  landscapes  were 
presented,  and  enlivened  our  march  along  this  majestic 
stream.  At  Detroit,  which  is  supposed  to  be  little  short 
of  nine  hundred  miles  from  Quebec  — even  there,  it  is 
no  contemptible  river,  but  here  the  immense  volume  of 
its  waters,  strikes  the  mind  of  the  stranger  with  astonish 
ment  and  rapture.  Our  Susquehanna,  which,  from  its 
grandeur,  attracts  the  European  eye,  stands  in  a  low 
grade  when  compared  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  Ascend 
ing  the  river  at  a  distance  of  ten  or  fifteen  miles,  we  ob 
served  the  rapid  passage,  down  stream,  of  a  boat,  and 
soon  afterwards  of  a  ship,  one  or  other  of  which  con 
tained  the  person  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton.  That  it  was  the 
governor  of  the  province,  flying  from  Montgomery,  who 
had  by  this  time  captured  Montreal,  we  were  informed 
by  a  special  kind  of  messenger,  which  was  no  other  than 
the  report  of  the  cannon,  by  way  of  feu-de-joie,  upon 
his  arrival  at  the  capital.  Water,  in  regard  to  the  com 
munication  of  sound,  is  nearly  as  good  a  conductor  as 
metals  are,  for  the  transmission  of  the  electric  fluid. 
Though  near  to  the  place  of  our  destination,  we  could 
mark  with  precision  the  report  of  every  gun.  Point 
Aux  Tremble,  at  this  time,  had  assumed  the  appearance 
of  a  straggling  village.  There  was  a  spacious  chapel, 
where  the  ceremonies  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
were  performed,  with  a  pomp  not  seen  in  our  churches 
but  by  a  fervency  and  zeal  apparently  very  pious,  which 
became  a  severe  and  additional  stroke  at  early  prejudices. 
Quarters  were  obtained  in  the  village  and  farm  houses, 
dispersed  over  a  space  of  some  miles,  up  and  down  the 
river.  We  enjoyed  as  much  comfort  as  tight  houses, 
warm  fires,  and  our  scantiness  of  clothing  would  admit. 
Provisions  were  in  plenty,  and  particularly  beef,  which, 
though  small  in  bulk,  was  of  an  excellent  flavor.  Being 
in  a  few  days,  as  it  were,  domesticated  in  a  respectable 


92  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

farmer's  house,  we  now  had  leisure  to  observe  the 
economy  of  the  family.  Every  crevice  through  which 
cold  air  could  penetrate,  was  carefully  pasted  with  strips 
of  paper  of  every  color.  To  permit  the  cold  air  to  in 
trude  is  not  the  only  evil  which  results  ;  but  the  smallest 
interstice  with  the  air,  also  admits  an  almost  impalpable 
snow,  which  is  very  inconvenient,  particularly  at  night, 
when  the  winds  blow  most  sharply.  A  stove  of  iron 
stood  a  small  sp;  ce  from  the  wall  of  the  kitchen  chimney, 
but  in  such  a  way  that  it  might  be  encompassed  by  the 
family  or  the  guests.  This  stove  was  kept  continually 
hot  both  by  day  and  by  night.  Over  the  stove  there  is  a 
rack  so  constructed  as  to  serve  for  the  drying  of  wet 
clothes,  moccasins,  etc.,  etc.  When  these  people  slaughter 
their  beasts  for  winter  use,  they  cut  up  the  meat  into  small 
pieces,  such  as  a  half  pound,  two  pounds,  etc.,  according 
to  the  number  of  the  family.  In  the  evening  before 
bedtime,  the  females  of  the  house  prepare  the  dinner  of 
the  following  day.  It  may  be  particularly  described,  as 
it  was  done  in  our  view  for  a  number  of  days  together, 
and  during  the  time  was  never  varied.  This  was  the 
manner:  a  piece  of  pork  or  beef,  or  a  portion  of  each 
kind,  together  with  a  sufficiency  of  cabbage,  potatoes 
and  turnips,  seasoned  with  salt,  and  an  adequate  quantity 
of  water,  were  put  into  a  neat  tin  kettle  with  a  close 
lid.  The  kettle  thus  replenished,  was  placed  on  the 
stove  in  the  room  where  we  all  slept,  and  there  it  sim 
mered  till  the  time  of  rising,  when  it  was  taken  to  a 
small  fire  in  the  kitchen,  where  a  stewing  continued  till 
near  noon,  when  they  dined.  The  contents  were  turned 
into  a  large  basin.  Each  person  had  a  plate,  no  knife 
was  used,  except  one  to  cut  the  bread,  but  a  five  or  six 
pronged  fork  answered  the  purposes  of  a  spoon.  The 
meat  required  no  cutting,  as  it  was  reduced  to  a  mucilage, 
or  at  least  to  shreds.  This,  you  may  say,  is  trifling  in 
formation,  and  unworthy  of  your  notice  ;  according  to 
my  mind,  it  is  important  to  all  of  us,  to  know  the  habits, 
manners,  and  means  of  existence  of  that  class  of  society, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  93 

which,  in  all  nations,  composes  the  bulk  and  strength  of 
the  body  politic.      Our  dinner    followed  in  a  few   hours. 
The  manner  of  our  cookery  excited  astonishment  in  our 
hosts.      As  much  beef  was   consumed  at  a  single   meal, 
as  would  have  served  this  family  for  a  week.     Remember, 
however,  that  the  mess  consisted  of  persons  who  were 
entitled  to  double  and  treble  rations.     Two  rosy-cheeked 
daughters  of  the   house,  soon  contrived    the   means   and 
obtained  the  surplus.     This   circumstance,  most   proba 
bly,  made  us  agreeable  to  the  family,  for  we  had  nothing 
else  to  bestow.     The  snow  had  now  fallen  in  abundance, 
and  enlivened  the  country.      Sleighs  and  sleds  were  pass 
ing  in  every    direction.      The  farmers   began   to   supply 
themselves  with  a  full   stock  of  winter's   fuel  from   the 
forest.      No  fowls  were  visible  about  the  house  ;  a  few 
were  kept  alive  for  breeding  in  the  ensuing  summer,  in 
a  close  and  warm  coop  in  the  upper  story  of  the  barn. 
The  rest  of  the  fowls,  intended  for  the  market  or  winter's 
use,  had   been    slaughtered,  early  in  autumn,  at   setting 
in  of  the  frost,  and  were  hung  up  in  the  feathers  in  the 
garret.      Thence  they  were  taken  as  wanted.      Towards 
March  they  become  unsavory,  but  in   no  way  tainted. 
We  became  acquainted  with  this  kind  of  economy,  but 
upon  a  much  larger  scale  afterwards,  when  in  a  state  of 
affliction  and  sorrow.     The  roads  in  this  part  of  Canada 
are  kept  in  excellent  order.     The  corvee  of  European 
France  is  maintained  by  the  government  in   full  effect, 
as   to   its   principles,   but    far   less   rigid  in    its   practice. 
The  roads  in   low   grounds,  were   ditched  on   the   sides 
and    curved   towards  the   centre.      Every    forty  or   fifty 
yards  on  each  side  of  the  road,  throughout  the  extent  of 
it,  young   pines  w?re    stuck  in   the  ground,  to  mark  the 
central  and  safest  passage.      It  is  a  law,  that  the  land 
holder,  whenever  a  snow  falls,  whether  by  day  or  night, 
when  it  ceases,  shall  with  his  horses  and  cariole,  retrace 
the  road,  formed  on  the  preceding  snow,  throughout  the 
extent  of  his  grounds.    This  is  a  laborious  duty,  but  it  was 
discernible    that  it   was  performed   with  punctuality,   if 


94  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

not  pleasure.  In  December,  January  and  February, 
when  the  snow  lays  from  three  to  five  feet  deep  over  the 
surface,  there  is  no  traveling  in  this  country,  but  by  ways 
thus  formed,  or  upon  snow  shoes. 

December  I.  General  Montgomery,  who  was 
anxiously  expected,  arrived.  Arnold's  corps  was 
paraded  in  the  front  of  the  chapel.  It  was  lowering  and 
cold,  but  the  appearance  of  the  general  here,  gave  us 
warmth  and  animation.  He  was  well  limbed,  tall  and 
handsome,  though  his  face  was  much  pockmarked.  His 
air  and  manner  designated  the  real  soldier.  He  made 
us  a  short,  but  energetic  and  elegant  speech,  the  burden 
of  which  was,  an  applause  of  our  spirit  in  passing  the 
wilderness  j  a  hope  our  perseverance  in  that  spirit  would 
continue  ;  and  a  promise  of  warm  clothing  ;  the  latter 
was  a  most  comfortable  assurance.  A  few  huzzas  from 
our  freezing  bodies  were  returned  to  this  address  of  the 
gallant  hero.  Now  new  life  was  infused  into  the  whole 
of  the  corps. 

December  2d.  The  next  day  we  retraced  the  route 
from  Quebec.  A  snow  had  fallen  during  the  night,  and 
continued  falling.  To  march  on  this  snow,  was  a  most 
fatiguing  business.  By  this  time,  we  had  generally 
furnished  ourselves  with  seal-skin  moccasins,  which 
are  large,  and,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  country, 
stuffed  with  hay  or  leaves,  to  keep  the  feet  dry  and 
warm.  Every  step  taken  in  the  dry  snow,  the  moccasin 
having  no  raised  heel  to  support  the  position  of  the  foot, 
it  slipped  back,  and  thus  produced  great  weariness.  On 
this  march  the  use  of  the  snow-shoe  was  very  obvious, 
but  we  were  destitute  of  that  article.  The  evening 
brought  up  the  riflemen  at  an  extensive  house,  in  the 
parish  of  St.  Foix,  about  three  miles  from  Quebec.  It 
was  inhabited  by  tenants.  We  took  possession  of  a 
front  parlor  on  the  left,  Morgan  one  upon  the  right, 
Hendricks,  a  back  apartment,  and  the  soldiery  in  the 
upper  parts  of  the  house,  and  some  warm  out-buildings. 

December  3d.     Morgan,  not  finding  himself  comforta- 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.  95 

ble,  moved  a  short  space  nearer  to  the  city.  Here,  in 
low  and  pretty  country  houses,  he  and  his  men  were 
neatly  accommodated.  It  seemed  to  me,  that  the  Cana 
dians  in  the  vicinage  of  Quebec  lived  as  comfortably, 
in'general,  as  the  generality  of  the  Pennsylvanians  did, 
at  that  time,  in  the  county  of  Lancaster.  It  may  readily 
occur  to  you,  that  some  restriction  ought  to  cramp  this 
latitude  of  expression  ;  take  it,  however,  as  a  description 
of  our  sensations,  entertained  in  our  minds  by  the  con 
veniences  we  now  enjoyed,  in  opposition  to  our  late 
privations.  We  had  just  arrived  from  a  dreary  and  in 
hospitable  wild,  half-starved  and  thinly  clothed,  in  aland 
of  plenty,  where  we  had  full  rations  and  warm  quarters, 
consequently,  our  present  feelings  contrasted  with  former 
sufferings,  might  have  appreciated  in  too  high  a  degree, 
the  happiness  of  the  Canadian.  What  is  now  said, 
ought  not  to  be  taken  in  anywise  as  an  allusion  to  the 
political  rights,  but  be  confined  solely  to  the  apparen^ 
prosperity  and  economy  of  families 

December  I2th.  We  remained  about  ten  days  at 
these  quarters.  The  tours  of  duty,  to  Arnold's  party, 
were  peculiarly  severe.  The  officers  and  men  still  wore 
nothing  else  than  the  remains  of  the  summer  clothing, 
which,  being  on  their  back,  had  escaped  destruction  in 
the  disasters  of  the  wilderness.  The  snow  lay  three  feet 
deep  over  the  face  of  the  whole  country,  and  there  was 
an  addition  to  it  almost  daily.  Many  impediments 
occurred,  to  delay  the  transportation  oi  the  clothing, 
which  General  Montgomery  had  procured  for  us  at 
Montreal.  Our  miserable  state,  contrary  to  our  prin 
ciples,  excited  an  illicit  desire  to  be  apparreled  more 
comfortably.  This  desire  would  probably  have  lain  dor 
mant,  but  for  a  scoundrel  Canadian,  who  in  all  likelihood 
was  an  enemy  of  Lieutenant  Governor  Cromie's.  One 
morning  having  returned  from  a  cold  night's  duty,  near 
palace  gate,  the  fellow  addressed  Simpson,  who  was  the 
only  officer  in  quarters,  and  communicated  the  informa 
tion  :  "  That  about  two  miles  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  lay 


96  Campaign  against  Quebec  <>  1775. 

a  country  seat  of  Governor  Cromie's,  stocked  with  many 
things  we  wanted,  and  he  would  be  our  guide."  Ca- 
rioles  were  immediately  procured.  The  house,  a  neat 
box,  was  romantically  situated  on  the  steep  bank  of  the 
river,  not  very  distant  from  a  chapel.  Though  in  the 
midst  of  winter,  the  spot  displayed  the  elegant  taste  and 
abundant  wealth  of  the  owner.  It  must  be  a  most  de 
lightful  summer  residence,  in  the  months  of  July  and 
August,  when  the  heat  of  this  northern  climate  seems 
greater  to  sensation,  than  that  of  our  country,  in  the 
same  season.  The  house  was  closed  ;  knocking,  the 
hall  door  was  opened  to  us  by  an  Irishwoman,  who,  of 
the  fair  sex,  was  the  largest  and  most  brawny  that  ever 
came  under  my  notice.  She  was  the  stewardess  of  the 
house.  Our  questions  were  answered  with  an  apparent 
affability  and  frankness.  She  introduced  us  into  the 
kitchen,  a  large  apartment,  well  filled  with  those  articles 
which  good  livers  think  necessary  to  the  happy  enjoy 
ment  of  life.  Here  we  observed  five  or  six  Canadian 
servants,  huddled  into  a  corner  of  the  kitchen,  trembling 
with  fear.  Our  prying  eyes  soon  discovered  a  trap 
door  leading  into  the  cellar.  In  the  country  houses  of 
Canada,  because  of  the  frigidity  of  the  climate,  the  cel 
lars  are  usually  under  a  warm  room,  and  are  principally  in 
tended  for  the  preservation  of  vegetables.  The  cavity 
in  this  instance,  abounded  with  a  great  variety  of  eata 
bles,  of  which  we  were  not  in  the  immediate  want. 
The  men  entered  it.  Firkin  after  firkin  of  butter,  lard, 
tallow,  beef,  pork,  fresh  and  salt,  all  became  a  prey. 
While  the  men  were  rummaging  below,  the  lieutenant 
descended  to  cause  more  despatch.  My  duty  was  to 
remain  at  the  end  of  the  trap  door,  with  my  back  to  the 
wall,  and  rifle  cocked,  as  a  sentry,  keeping  a  strict  eye 
on  the  servants.  My  good  Irishwoman  frequently 
beckoned  to  me  to  descend  ;  her  drift  was  to  catch  us  all 
in  the  trap.  Luckily  she  was  comprehended.  The 
cellar  and  kitchen  being  thoroughly  gutted,  and  the  spoil 
borne  to  the  carriages,  the  party  dispersed  into  other 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775.  97 

apartments.  Here  was  elegancy.  The  walls  and  par 
titions  were  beautifully  papered  and  decorated,  with 
large  engravings,  maps,  etc.,  etc.,  of  the  most  celebrated 
artists.  A  noble  view  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  upon 
a  large  scale,  taken  from  the  neighborhood  of  Cooper's 
ferry,  drew  my  attention,  and  raised  some  compunctive 
ideas  •,  but  war  and  the  sciences  always  stand  at  arms 
length  in  the  contests  of  mankind.  The  latter  must 
succumb  in  the  tumult.  Our  attention  was  much  more 
attracted  by  the  costly  feather  beds,  counterpanes,  and 
charming  rose-blankets,  which  the  house  afforded.  Of 
these  there  was  good  store,  and  we  left  not  a  jot  behind 
us.  The  nooks  and  crevices  in  the  carioles  were  filled 
with  smaller  articles  ;  several  dozens  of  admirably 
finished  case-knives  and  forks  ;  even  a  set  of  desert  knives 
obtained  the  notice  of  our  cupidity.  Articles  of  lesser 
moment,  not  a  thousandth  part  so  useful,  did  not  escape 
the  all-grasping  hands  of  the  soldiery.  In  a  back  apart 
ment  there  stood  a  mahogany  couch,  or  settee  in  a 
highly  finished  style.  The  woodwork  of  the  couch  was 
raised  on  all  sides  by  cushioning,  and  lastly,  covered  by 
a  rich  figured  silk.  This  to  us  was  lumber,  besides  our 
carioles  were  full.  However,  we  grabbled  the  mattrass 
and  pallets,  all  equally  elegant  as  the  couch.  Having,  as 
we  thought,  divested  his  excellency  of  all  the  articles  of 
prime  necessity,  we  departed,  ostensibly  and  even  audibly 
accompanied  by  the  pious  blessings  of  the  stewardess 
for  our  moderation.  No  doubt  she  had  her  mental  re 
servations  ;  on  such  business  as  this,  we  regarded  neither. 
Near  the  chapel  we  met  a  party  of  Morgan's  men  com 
ing  to  do  that  which  we  had  already  done.  The  officer 
appeared  chagrined  when  he  saw  the  extent  of  our  plunder. 
He  went  on,  and  finally  ransacked  the  house,  and  yet  a 
little  more,  the  stables.  The  joy  of  our  men,  among 
whom  the  plunder  was  distributed  in  nearly  equal  portions, 
was  extravagant.  Now  an  operation  of  the  human  mind, 
which  often  takes  place  in  society,  and  is  every  day  dis 
cernible  by  persons  of  observation,  became  clearly 
9 


98  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

obvious.  "  Let  a  man  once,  with  impunity,  desert  the 
strict  rule  of  right,  all  subsequent  aggression  is  not  only 
increased  in  atrocity,  but  is  done  without  qualm  of  con 
science."  Though  our  company  was  composed  prin 
cipally  of  freeholders,  or  the  sons  of  such,  bred  at  home 
under  the  strictures  of  religion  and  morality,  yet  when 
the  reins  of  decorum  were  loosed,  and  the  honorable 
feeling  weakened,  it  became  impossible  to  administer 
restraint.  The  person  of  a  tory,  or  his  property,  became 
fair  game,  and  this  at  the  denunciation  of  some  base 
domestic  villain. 

December  I3th.  On  this  morning  the  same  auda 
cious  scoundrel  again  returned.  By  leading  to  the  first 
affair,  and  his  intercourse  with  the  privates,  he  had  so 
wormed  himself  into  their  good  graces  that  nothing 
would  do  but  a  system  of  marauding  upon  our  supposed 
enemies,  the  tories.  In  this  new  expedition,  which 
was  further  than  the  former,  the  officers  thought  it  pru 
dent  to  accompany  the  men,  in  truth,  to  keep  order 
and  repress  their  ardency.  We  arrived  at  a  farm  said  to 
belong  to  Gov.  Cromie  or  some  other  inhabitant  of 
Quebec.  The  farm  house,  though  low,  being  but  one 
story,  was  capacious,  and  tolerably  neat.  The  barn 
built  of  logs,  with  a  threshing-floor  in  the  center,  was 
from  seventy  to  eighty  feet  in  length.  The  tenant,  his 
wife,  and  children,  shuddered  upon  our  approach.  As 
surances  that  they  should  be  unharmed,  relieved  their 
fears.  The  tenant  pointed  out  to  us  the  horned-cattle, 
pigs  and  poultry  of  his  landlord.  These  we  shot  down 
without  mercy,  or  drove  before  us  to  our  quarters. 
Thus  we  obtained  a  tolerable  load  for  our  caravan,  which 
consisted  of  five  or  six  carioles. 

With  this  disreputable  exploit,  marauding  ceased. 
A  returning  sense  of  decency  and  order,  emanating  from 
ourselves,  produced  a  species  of  contrition.  It  is  a 
solemn  truth  that  we  plundered  none  but  those  who 
were  notoriously  tories,  and  then  within  the  walls  of 
Quebec.  The  clergy,  the  nobles,  and  the  peasantry, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.  99 

were  respected  and  protected,  especially  the  latter,  with 
whom,  to  use  a  trite  expression,  we  fraternized.  The 
minuteness  of  this  description  of  occurrences,  of  a  trivial, 
yet  disgraceful  nature,  is  made  the  more  strongly  to 
impress  your  minds  with  the  horrors  attendant  on  civil 
wars.  This  species  of  war,  more  than  any  other,  not 
only  affects  the  great  and  the  wealthy,  but  it  intrudes 
itself  into,  and  devastates  the  cottage.  This  the  Ame 
rican  people  know,  from  the  many  melancholy  scenes 
which  succeeded  the  period  spoken  of. 

Gracious  and  Almighty  God  !  the  shield  and  protector 
of  the  good,  as  well  as  thou  art  the  scourge  of  the  base 
and  wicked  nation,  avert  from  my  country  this  the  most 
terrible  of  thy  modes  of  temporal  vengeance. 

December  I5th.  In  a  short  time,  the  rifle  companies 
moved  and  occupied  good  quarters  on  the  low  grounds, 
near  St.  Charles  river,  and  about  two  miles  from  Quebec. 
Our  clothing  was  still  of  the  flimsy  kind,  before  noted, 
but  our  hearts  were  light,  even  to  merriment.  Indi 
vidually,  from  our  own  funds,  we  supplied  ourselves 
with  arm-gloves,  and  renewed  our  moccasins.  This  was 
about  the  middle  of  December.  During  all  this  time, 
our  daily  duty  was  laborious  in  various  ways,  and  every 
other  night  we  mounted  guard  at  St.  Roque.  A  guard 
house  ere  this,  had  been  established  at  this  place,  in  a 
very  large  stone  house,  which,  though  strong,  being 
exposed  to  the  enemy's  fire,  was  soon  battered  about 
our  ears,  the  distance  scarcely  more  than  three  hundred 
yards.  That  position  was  changed  for  one  more  secure. 
A  house  which  had  been  a  tavern,  was  adopted  in  its 
stead.  This  house  was  peculiarly  situated.  It  was 
comparatively  small  with  the  former  in  its  dimensions, 
but  the  walls  were  strong,  and  the  ceilings  bomb-proof. 
It  stood  under  the  hill,  so  as  to  be  out  of  the  range  of 
the  shot  from  the  ramparts  contiguous  to  palace  gate, 
which  were  elevated  far  above  us.  Simpson  would  say, 
Jack,  let  us  have  a  shot  at  those  fellows.  Even  at 
noon-day,  we  would  creep  along  close  to  the  houses, 


loo          Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

which  ranged  under  the  hiil,  but  close  in  with  it,  till  we 
came  within  forty  yards  of  palace  gate.  Here  was  a 
smith-shop,  formed  of  logs,  through  the  crevices  of 
which  we  would  fire,  at  an  angle  of  seventy,  at  the 
sentries  above  us.  Many  of  them  were  killed,  and  it 
was  said,  several  officers.  This  was  dishonorable  war, 
though  authorized  by  the  practices  of  those  times.  The 
distance  from  this  guard-house  to  palace  gate,  may  be 
three  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  The  hill,  at  the  back  of 
the  house,  seemed  to  make  an  angle  of  sixty  or  seventy 
degrees.  This  activity  continued  from  the  walls  of  the 
city,  and  around  it  by  the  lower  town  (where  it  is  greatest), 
for  many  miles  up  the  St.  Lawrence  and  St.  Charles,  and 
forms  the  basis  of  Abraham's  plains.  It  was  about  that 
time  the  York  artillerists,  under  Captain  Lamb,  had  con 
structed  a  battery  on  the  Plains,  at  the  distance  of  six 
hundred  or  seven  hundred  yards  from  the  fortress.  The 
earth  was  too  difficult  for  the  intrenching  tools  to  pierce, 
the  only  method  left  was  to  raise  a  battery  composed  of 
ice  and  snow.  The  snow  was  made  into  ice  by  the 
addition  of  water.  The  work  was  done  in  the  night 
time.  Five  or  six  nine-pounders,  and  a  howitzer  were 
placed  in  it  ;  it  was  scarcely  completed,  and  our  guns 
had  opened  on  the  city,  before  it  was  pierced  through 
and  through,  by  the  weightier  metal  of  the  enemy. 
Several  lives  were  lost  on  the  first  and  second  day.  Yet 
the  experiment  was  persisted  in,  till  a  single  ball,  piercing 
the  battery,  killed  and  wounded  three  persons.  In  the 
quarters  last  mentioned,  we  enjoyed  some  pleasant  days. 
The  winter  in  Canada,  as  with  us,  is  the  season  of  good 
humor  and  joy. 

December  i8th,  iQth.  Upon  a  secession  from  the 
out-post,  or  other  military  employments,  we  were  agreea 
bly  received  in  the  farm  houses  around.  Our  engage 
ments  near  palace  gate,  still  continued  to  be  of  the 
arduous  kind ;  our  numbers  being  few,  every  second 
watch  was  performed  by  the  same  persons  who  had 
made  the  guard  the  last  but  one.  Between  the  guard- 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1,775.         *>i.oi 


house,  and  the  extreme  end  of  the  suburbs  of  St.  Roque, 
which  may  be  half  a  mile  from  the  ramparts,  there  was 
a  rising  ground  in  the  main  street  fairly  in  view  of  the 
enemy,  and  whilst  we  relieved  in  daylight,  was  raked 
even  by  grape  shot.  Some  good  men  were  lost  here. 
This  circumstance  changed  the  time  of  relief,  to  nine 
o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  rifle  men  were  principally 
employed  as  guards  at  this  dangerous  station.  It  is  but 
fair  and  honest  to  relate  to  you  an  anecdote  concerning 
myself,  which  will  convey  to  your  minds  some  notion 
of  that  affection  of  the  head  or  heart,  which  the  military 
call  a  panic  terror.  Being  one  of  the  guard  and  having 
been  relieved  as  a  sentry,  about  twelve  or  one  o'clock 
at  night,  upon  returning  to  the  guard  house,  in  a  dozing 
state,  I  cast  myself  on  a  bench  next  the  back  wall  — 
young,  my  sleeps  were  deep  and  heavy ;  my  youth 
obtained  this  grace  from  Simpson,  the  officer  who  com 
manded  ;  about  three  o'clock  I  was  roused  by  a  horri 
ble  noise.  The  enemy,  in  casting  their  shells,  usually 
began  in  the  evening,  and  threw  but  a  few,  towards 
morning  they  became  more  alert.  Our  station  being 
out  of  sight,  it  was  so  managed  as  to  throw  the  shells  on 
the  side  of  the  hill,  directly  back  of  us,  so  as  they  would 
trundle  down  against  the  wall  of  the  guard  house.  This 
had  frequently  occurred  before,  but  was  not  minded. 
A  thirteen  inch  shell,  thus  thrown,  came  immediately 
opposite  the  place  where  my  head  lay  ;  to  be  sure  the 
three  feet  wall  was  between  us.  The  bursting  report 
was  tremendous,  but  it  was  heard  in  a  profound  sleep. 
Starting  instantly,  though  unconscious  of  the  cause,  and 
running  probably  fifty  yards,  through  untrod  snow,  three 
feet  deep,  to  a  coal  house,  a  place  quite  unknown  to  me 
before,  it  was  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  before  the  extreme 
cold  restored  that  kind  of  sensibility  which  enabled  me 
to  know  my  real  situation.  Knowing  nothing  of  the 
cause,  the  probable  effect,  nor  anything  of  the  conse 
quences  which  might  follow  from  this  involuntary  exer 
tion,  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  species  of  the  panic  which 


.i:c2       '  Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

has  been  known  to  affect  whole  armies.  The  circum 
stance  here  related,  caused  a  laugh  against  me  ;  but  it 
was  soon  discovered  that  those  of  the  soldiery,  though 
wide  awake,  were  as  much  panic  stricken  as  myself. 
The  laugh  rebounded  upon  them.  During  this  period 
we  had  many  bitter  nights.  To  give  you  some  idea  of 
a  Canada  winter,  allow  me  to  relate  an  occurrence 
which  is  literally  genuine. 

December  24th.  One  night,  at  the  time  of  relief,  a 
confidential  person  came  from  Colonel  Arnold,  accom 
panied  by  an  Irish  gentleman  named  Craig,  directing 
the  relieved  guard  to  escort  him  to  his  own  house,  which 
stood  between  twenty  and  thirty  paces  from  palace 
gate.  Craig  was  a  merchant  of  considerable  wealth,  and 
what  was  more,  an  excellent  whig.  He  was  expelled 
from  his  habitation  because  of  his  whigism,  and  took 
refuge  in  Arnold's  quarters.  Montgomery,  by  this  time, 
had  furnished  us  with  personal  clothing  suitable  to  the 
climate,  but  there  were  a  thousand  other  things  wanting 
for  comfortable  accommodation.  Many  of  these  Mr. 
Craig  possessed,  and  Arnold's  luxurious  cupidity  desired. 
Craig's  house  was  an  extensive  building,  three  stories 
high,  with  back  buildings  of  an  equal  height,  running 
far  in  the  rear  along  the  foot  of  the  hill.  This  last 
building  consisted  of  stores  which,  as  well  as  the  house, 
was  of  brick  work.  We  came  to  the  back  part  of  the 
house  silently,  and  with  the  utmost  caution.  Mr.  Craig 
by  a  slight  knock  brought  a  trusty  old  negro  to  the 
door,  who  was  the  sole  guardian  of  the  house.  The 
objects  of  Mr.  Craig  were  frying  pans,  skillets,  and  a 
great  variety  of  other  articles  of  ironmongery,  together 
with  cloths,  flannels,  linens,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.  The 
party  with  Craig  entered  the  house.  As  a  man  of  con 
fidence  and  as  a  sentry,  it  became  my  business  to  watch 
the  palace  gate.  There  was  a  clear  moonlight,  but  it 
was  exceedingly  bleak.  My  place  of  observation  was 
under  a  brick  arch,  over  which  were  stores  of  Mr.  Craig, 
perhaps  less  than  eighty  feet  from  palace  gate.  My 


Campaign  against  Quebec y  1775.         IO3 

gloves  were  good  and  well  lined  with  fur,  and  my  moc 
casins  of  the  best  kind,  well  stuffed.  Unseen,  continu 
ally  pacing  the  width  of  the  arch,  my  companions 
seemed  to  employ  too  much  time.  Some  Frenchmen, 
of  Colonel  Livingston's  regiment,  without  our  know- 
Iedge1  had  been  below  palace  gate  marauding.  Repass- 
ing  the  house  we  were  at,  like  so  many  hell  hounds, 
they  set  up  a  yelling  and  horrid  din,  which  not  only 
scared  our  party,  but  alarmed  the  garrison  itself.  My 
companions  in  the  house  (apprehensive  of  a  sally  from 
palace  gate),  fled,  carrying  all  they  could.  Though  I 
heard  the  noise,  the  flight  of  my  friends  was  unseen,  as 
they  emerged  from  the  cellars.  The  noise  and  bustle 
created  by  the  Canadians  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
enemy.  Large  and  small  shells  were  thrown  in  every 
direction,  wherever  a  noise  was  heard  in  St.  Roque. 
Having  on  a  fine  white  blanket  coat,  and  turning  my  cap, 
or  bonnet  rouge,  inside  out,  the  inside  being  white,  made 
me,  as  it  were,  invisible  in  the  snow.  Under  the  arch 
the  conversation  of  the  sentries,  as  it  were,  almost  over 
my  head,  was  very  distinguishable.  In  this  cold  region, 
many  reasons  operate  to  induce  the  placing  two  sentries 
at  the  same  post  —  they  enliven  each  other  by  convers 
ing,  and  it  prevents  the  fatal  effects  which  follow  from 
standing  still  in  one  position.  P'ifteen  minutes,  at  this 
time,  was  the  term  of  the  sentries  standing.  The  time 
of  my  standing  under  the  arch  seemed  to  be  several 
hours,  yet  honor  and  duty  required  perseverance.  At 
length,  being  wearied  out,  going  to  the  back  door  of  the 
house  and  knocking,  no  whisper  could  be  heard  within, 
the  old  negro  was  soundly  asleep  in  his  bomb-proof 
shell.  At  this  moment  those  Canadians  ran  past  the 
gateway  again,  with  their  usual  noisy  jabber  ;  to  me,  in 
my  deserted  state,  it  seemed  a  sally  of  the  enemy. 
There  was  no  outlet  but  by  the  way  we  came,  which 
seemed  hazardous.  Running  gun  in  hand  into  a  large 
enclosure,  which  was  a  garden  of  Mr.  Craig's,  here  was 
a  new  dilemma.  There  was  no  escape  but  by  return- 


IO4          Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

ing  to  the  house  or  climbing  a  palisade  twenty  feet  high. 
The  latter  was  preferred  ;  but  my  rifle  was  left  within 
the  enclosure,  as  no  means  could  be  fallen  upon  to  get 
it  over  the  stockade.  The  guard  house  was  soon 
reached.  One  of  the  sergeants  kindly  returned  with 
me  to  assist  in  bringing  over  my  gun.  It  was  grasped 
in  ecstasy.  Alas  !  the  determination  never  to  part  with 
it  again,  but  with  life,  was  futile.  While  in  the  enclo 
sure,  going  from  and  returning  to  it,  we  were  assailed 
with  grape-shot  and  shells,  not  by  any  means  aimed  at 
us,  for  the  enemy  knew  not  that  we  were  there,  but  was 
intended  to  disperse  those  vociferous  and  vile  Canadians, 
and  it  had  the  effect.  They  were  as  cowardly  as  noisy. 
The  cohorn  shells  were  handsomely  managed.  They 
usually  burst  at  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  from  the  earth,  so 
as  to  scatter  their  destructive  effects  more  widely.  Again 
coming  to  the  guard  house,  my  immediate  friends  all 
gone,  I  ran  thence  to  our  quarters,  about  two  miles,  with 
great  speed.  This  was  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing.  Coming  to  quarters,  my  feet  and  hands  were 
numbed,  without  ever  having,  during  those  many  dreary 
hours,  been  sensible  of  the  cold.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  they  were  frozen.  Pulling  off  my  leggings,  etc., 
and  immerging  my  feet  and  legs  knee  deep  in  the  snow 
at  the  door,  rubbing  with  my  hands  a  few  minutes,  soon 
caused  a  recirculation  of  the  blood  ;  the  hands  were  re 
stored  by  the  act.  For  fifteen,  and  even  twenty  years 
afterwards,  the  intolerable  effects  of  that  night's  frost 
were  most  sensibly  felt.  The  soles  of  my  feet,  particu 
larly  the  prominences,  were  severely  frostbitten  and 
much  inflamed  ;  so  it  was  as  to  my  hands.  But  it  was 
very  remarkable  that  these  subsequent  annual  painings 
uniformly  attacked  me  in  the  same  month  of  the  year 
in  which  the  cause  occurred. 

On  the  night  of  the  2Oth,  or  2ist  of  December,  a 
snow-storm,  driving  fiercely  from  the  north-east,  induced 
the  noble  Montgomery  to  order  an  attack  on  the  fortress. 
Our  force,  altogether,  did  not  amount  to  more  than 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775.          105 

eleven  hundred  men,  and  many  of  these,  by  contrivances 
of  their  own,  were  in  the  hospital,  which,  by  this  time, 
was  transferred  to  the  nunnery.  The  storm  abated  — 
the  moon  shone,  and  we  retired  to  repose,  truly  unwill 
ingly.  We  had  caught  our  commander's  spirit,  who 
was  anxious,  after  the  capture  of  Chamblee,  St.  Johns 
and  Montreal,  to  add  Quebec,  as  a  prime  trophy  to  the 
laurels  already  won.  Captain  Smith,  *  the  head  of  our 
mess,  as  captain,  had  been  invited  to  General  Mont 
gomery's  council  of  officers  (none  under  that  grade 
being  called) ;  like  most  of  uninstructed  men  he  was 
talkative,  and  what  is  much  worse,  in  military  affairs, 
very  communicative.  I  believe  blushing  followed  the 
intelligence  he  gave  me  :  the  idea  of  impropriety  of  con 
duct  in  him,  deeply  impressed  my  mind.  The  whole 
plan  of  the  attack  on  the  two  following  days  was  known 
to  the  meanest  man  in  the  army.  How  it  was  disclosed, 
is  uncertain,  unless  by  the  fatuity  of  the  captains.  One 
Singleton,  a  sergeant  in  the  troops  which  accompanied 
Montgomery,  deserted  from  the  guard  at  the  suburbs  of 
St.  Johns,  and  disclosed  to  our  foes  the  purport  of  our 


1  Colonel  Matthew  Smith  of  Paxtang,  who  commanded  the  company  in 
which  young  Henry  served  in  the  Quebec  campaign,  was  one  of  the  war 
eagles  of  the  revolution.  He  was  a  native  of  Lancaster  county,  now  Dau 
phin,  born  about  1730.  He  took  a  warm  interest  in  the  affair  at  Conestoga 
and  Lancaster  in  1763-4,  and  was  delegated  by  the  Paxtang  Boys  to  make 
a  proper  representation  to  the  provincial  assembly  who  were  bent  on  per 
secuting  that  band  of  heroes.  He  enlisted  his  company  in  June,  1775,  anc^ 
with  Hendricks  was  the  first  south  of  the  Hudson  river  to  reach  the  be 
leaguered  city  of  Boston  after  the  battle  of  Bunker  hill.  At  the  time  of  the 
attack  upon  Quebec,  Captain  Smith  was  on  detached  duty,  and  not  with 
his  company.  He  was,  however,  taken  prisoner,  released  on  parole  and 
exchanged  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1776,  and  subsequently  promoted  to 
major.  He  served  as  a  member  of  the  supreme  executive  council  of 
Pa.,  in  1778-9,  and  was  for  a  brief  period  vice-president  of  the  state. 
Early  in  1780  he  was  appointed  -prothonotary  of  Northumberland  county. 
He  died  at  Milton,  July  21,  1794,  and  was  buried  at  Warren  Run  burying 
ground  six  miles  distant.  Col.  Smith  was  a  fine  looking  man,  had  the  air 
of  a  soldier,  and  was  as  ardent  a  patriot  as  ever  breathed.  Judge  Henry, 
on  account  of  Capt.  Smith's  rigid  discipline,  took  a  dislike  to  him,  and  in 
his  narrative  shows  it  prominently. —  Dr.  Wm.  H.  Egle. 


106          Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

schemes ;    his   desertion    caused    much    anxiety.      The 
general  prudently  gave  out  that  it  was  by  command,  he 
would  return  soon  with  intelligence.      This  was  believed 
generally.      The  latter  information  came  to  my  know 
ledge   some  months  afterwards,  when  a  prisoner.      The 
relation    of   Smith   to   me    is    perfect   on    my   memory. 
Youths  seldom  forget  their  juvenile  impressions.      It  was 
this  :   "  That  we,  of   Arnold's  corps,  accompanied   by 
Captain  Lang's  York  artillerists,  should  assail  the  lower 
town,  on  the  side  of  St.  Roque  :   General  Montgomery 
was  to  attack  the  lower  town  by  the  way  of  Cape  Dia 
mond,  which  is  on  the  margin  of  the  St.  Lawrence.     A 
false  attack  was  to  be  made  eastwardly  of  St.   John's 
gate.     When  Montgomery  and  Arnold  conjoined  in  the 
lower  town,  then  the  priests,  the  women  and  the  child 
ren,   were   to  be  gathered   and  intermingled    with   the 
troops    and  an  assault  be  made  on  the  upper  town." 
Visionary  as  this  mode  of  attack  was,  from  what  ensued, 
it  is  sincerely  my  belief  that   Smith  was  correct  in  his 
information,  as  to  the  plan  suggested  by  the  general. 
In  those    turbulent   times,  men  of  gallantry,  such    as 
Montgomery,    were    imperiously  necessitated,   to    keep 
up  their  own  fame  and  the  spirits  of  the  people,  to  pro 
pose  and  to  hazard  measures,  even  to  the  confines  of 
imprudence.     There  was  another  circumstance  which 
induced  our  brave  and  worthy  general    to  adopt  active 
and  dangerous  means  of  conquest.      Many  of  the  New 
England  troops  had   been  engaged  on  very  short  enlist 
ments,  some  of  which   were  to  expire  on  the  first  of 
January,    1776.     The    patriotism    of   the    summer    of 
seventy-five,  seemed  almost  extinguished  in  the  winter 
of  seventy-six.      The  patriotic  officers  made  every  exer 
tion  to  induce  enlistments  but  to  no  purpose.      We,  of 
the  rifle  corps,  readily  assented  to  remain  with  the  gene 
ral,  though   he  should  be  deserted   by  the  eastern   men, 
yet  this  example  had  no  manner  of  influence  on  the 
generality.     The  majority  were  either  farmers  or  sailors, 
and  some  had  wives  and  children  at  home.     These,  and 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.          107 

other  reasons,  perhaps  the  austerity  of  the  winter,  and 
the  harshness  of  the  service,  caused  an  obstinacy  of  mind 
which  would  not  submit  to  patriotic  representation. 
Besides  the  smallpox, *  which  had  been  introduced  into 
our  cantonments  by  the  indecorous,  yet  fascinating  arts 
of  the  enemy,  had  already  begun  its  ravages.  This 
temper  of  the  men  was  well  known  to  the  general. 

It  was  not  until  the  night  of  the  thirty-first  of 
December,  1775,  that  such  kind  of  weather  ensued  as 
was  considered  favorable  for  the  assault.  The  forepart 
of  the  night  was  admirably  enlightened  by  a  luminous 
moon.  Many  of  us,  officers  as  well  as  privates,  had 
dispersed  in  various  directions  among  the  farm  and  tip 
pling  houses  of  the  vicinity.  We  well  knew  the  signal 
for  rallying.  This  was  no  other  than  a  snow-storm. 
About  twelve  o'clock  P.M.,  the  heaven  was  overcast. 
We  repaired  to  quarters.  By  two  o'clock  we  were 
accoutred  and  began  our  march.  The  storm  was  out 
rageous,  and  the  cold  wind  extremely  biting.  In  this 
northern  country  the  snow  is  blown  horizontally  into 
the  faces  of  travelers  on  most  occasions  —  this  was  our 
case. 

January  ist.  When  we  came  to  Craig's  house,  near 
palace  gate,  a  horrible  roar  of  cannon  took  place,  and  a 
ringing  of  all  the  bells  of  the  city,  which  are  very  numer 
ous,  and  of  all  sizes.  Arnold,  heading  the  forlorn  hope, 
advanced,  perhaps,  one  hundred  yards  before  the  main 
body.  After  these,  followed  Lamb's  artillerists.  Mor 
gan's  company  led  in  the  secondary  part  of  the  column 
of  infantry.  Smith's  followed,  headed  by  Steele,  the 
captain,  from  particular  causes,  being  absent.  Hen- 
drick's  company  succeeded,  and  the  eastern  men,  so  far 
as  known  to  me,  followed  in  due  order.  The  snow  was 


1  In  relation  to  the  small-pox,  the  circumstance  about  to  be  related,  is 
most  assuredly  true,  as  it  is  known  to  me  of  my  own  particular  knowledge. 
A  number  of  women  loaded  with  the  infection  of  the  small-pox,  came  into 
our  cantonments. —  Henry. 


io8          Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

deeper  than  in  the  fields,  because  of  the  nature  of  the 
ground.  The  path  made  by  Arnold,  Lamb  and  Morgan, 
was  almost  imperceptible,  because  of  the  falling  snow  ; 
covering  the  locks  of  our  guns  with  the  lappets  of  our 
coats,  holding  down  our  heads  (for  it  was  impossible  to 
bear  up  our  faces  against  the  imperious  storm  of  wind 
and  SLOW),  we  ran  along  the  foot  of  the  hill  in  single 
file.  Along  the  first  of  our  run,  from  palace  gate,  for 
several  hundred  paces,  there  stood  a  range  of  insulated 
buildings,  which  seemed  to  be  store-houses  ;  we  passed 
these  quickly  in  single  file,  pretty  wide  apart.  The 
interstices  were  from  thirty  to  fifty  yards.  In  these 
intervals  we  received  a  tremendous  fire  of  musketry 
from  the  ramparts  above  us.  Here  we  lost  some  brave 
men,  when  powerless  to  return  the  salutes  we  received, 
as  the  enemy  was  covered  by  his  impregnable  defences. 
They  were  even  sightless  to  us,  we  could  see  nothing 
but  the  blaze  from  the  muzzles  of  their  muskets. 

A  number  of  vessels  of  various  sizes  lay  along  the 
beach,  moored  by  their  hawsers  or  cables  to  the  houses. 
Pacing  after  my  leader,  Lieutenant  Steele,  at  a  great  rate, 
one  of  those  ropes  took  me  under  the  chin,  and  cast  me 
headlong  down  a  declivity  of  at  least  fifteen  feet.  The 
place  appeared  to  be  either  a  dry  dock,  or  a  sawpit.  My 
descent  was  terrible  ;  gun  and  all  was  involved  in  a  great 
depth  of  snow.  Most  unluckily,  however,  one  of  my 
knees  received  a  violent  contusion  on  a  piece  of  scraggy 
ice,  which  was  covered  by  the  snow.  On  like  occasions, 
we  can  scarce  expect,  in  the  hurry  of  attack,  that  our 
intimates  should  attend  to  any  other  than  their  own 
concerns.  Mine  went  from  me,  regardless  of  my  fate. 
Scrabbling  out  of  the  cavity,  without  assistance,  divesting 
my  person  and  gun  of  the  snow,  and  limping  into  the 
line,  it  was  attempted  to  assume  a  station,  and  preserve 
it.  These  were  none  of  my  friends  —  they  knew  me 
not.  We  had  not  gone  twenty  yards,  in  my  hobbling 
gait,  before  I  was  thrown  out,  and  compelled  to  await 
the  arrival  of  a  chasm  in  the  line,  where  a  new  place 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.          109 

might  be  obtained.  Men  in  affairs  such  as  this,  seem 
in  the  main  to  lose  the  compassionate  feeling,  and  are 
averse  from  being  dislodged  from  their  original  stations. 
We  proceeded  rapidly,  exposed  to  a  long  line  of  fire  from 
the  garrison,  for  now  we  were  unprotected  by  any  build 
ings.  The  fire  had  slackened  in  a  small  degree.  The 
enemy  had  been  partly  called  off  to  resist  the  general, 
and  strengthen  the  party  opposed  to  Arnold  in  our  front. 
Now  we  saw  Colonel  Arnold  returning,  wounded  in  the 
leg,  and  supported  by  two  gentlemen,  a  Parson  Spring  was 
one,  and  in  my  belief,  a  Mr.  Ogden  the  other.  Arnold 
called  to  the  troops,  in  a  cheering  voice,  as  we  passed, 
urging  us  forward,  yet  it  was  observable  among  the 
soldiery,  with  whom  it  was  my  misfortune  to  be  now 
placed,  that  the  colonel's  retiring  damped  their  spirits. 
A  cant  term,  "  We  are  sold,"  was  repeatedly  heard  in 
many  parts  throughout  the  line.  Thus  proceeding  en 
filaded  by  an  animated  but  lessened  fire,  we  came  to  the 
first  barrier,  where  Arnold  had  been  wounded  in  the 
onset.  This  contest  had  lasted  but  a  few  minutes,  and 
was  somewhat  severe,  but  the  energy  of  our  men  pre 
vailed.  The  embrasures  were  entered  when  the  enemy 
were  discharging  their  guns.  The  guard,  consisting  of 
thirty  persons,  were  either  taken  or  fled,  leaving  their 
arms  behind  them.  At  this  time  it  was  discovered  that 
our  guns  were  useless,  because  of  the  dampness.  The 
snow,  which  lodged  in  our  fleecy  coats,  was  melted  by 
the  warmth  of  our  bodies.  Thence  came  that  disaster. 
Many  of  the  party,  knowing  the  circumstance,  threw 
aside  their  own,  and  seized  the  British  arms.  These 
were  not  only  elegant,  but  were  such  as  befitted  the 
hand  of  a  real  soldier.  It  was  said  that  ten  thousand 
stand  of  such  arms  had  been  received  from  England,  in 
the  previous  summer  for  arming  the  Canadian  militia. 
Those  people  were  Icath  to  bear  them  in  opposition  to 
our  rights.  From  the  first  barrier  to  the  second,  there 
was  a  circular  course  along  the  sides  of  houses,  and 
partly  through  a  street,  probably  of  three  hundred  yards, 
10 


no         Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

or  more.  This  second  barrier  was  erected  across  and 
near  the  mouth  of  a  narrow  street,  adjacent  to  the  foot 
of  the  hill,  which  opened  into  a  larger,  leading  soon  into 
the  main  body  of  the  lower  town.  Here  it  was,  that 
the  most  serious  contention  took  place  ;  this  became  the 
bone  of  strife.  The  admirable  Montgomery,  by  this 
time  (though  it  was  unknown  to  us),  was  no  more  ;  yet, 
we  expected  momentarily,  to  join  him.  The  firing  on 
that  side  of  the  fortress  ceased,  his  division  fell  under  the 
command  of  a  Colonel  Campbell,  of  the  New  York  line, 
a  worthless  chief,  who  retreated  without  making  an  effort, 
in  pursuance  of  the  general's  original  plans.  The  inevit 
able  consequence,  was,  that  the  whole  of  the  forces  on 
that  side  of  the  city,  and  those  who  were  opposed  to  the 
dastardly  persons  employed  to  make  the  false  attacks, 
embodied  and  came  down  to  oppose  our  division.  Here 
was  sharp  shooting.  We  were  on  the  disadvantageous 
side  of  the  barrier,  for  such  a  purpose.  Confined  in  a 
narrow  street  hardly  more  than  twenty  feet  wide,  and 
on  the  lower  ground,  scarcely  a  ball,  well  aimed  or 
otherwise,  but  must  take  effect  upon  us.  Morgan, 
Hendricks,  Steele,  Humphreys,  and  a  crowd  of  every 
class  of  the  army,  had  gathered  into  the  narrow  pass, 
attempting  to  surmount  the  barrier,  which  was  about 
twelve  or  more  feet  high,  and  so  strongly  constructed, 
that  nothing  but  artillery  could  effectuate  its  destruction. 
There  was  a  construction,  fifteen  or  twenty  yards  within 
the  barrier,  upon  a  rising  ground,  the  cannon  of  which 
much  overtopped  the  height  of  the  barrier,  hence,  we 
were  assailed,  by  grape  shot  in  abundance.  This  erection 
we  called  the  platform.  Again,  within  the  barrier,  and 
close  in  to  it,  were  two  ranges  of  musketeers,  armed  with 
musket  and  bayonet,  ready  to  receive  those  who  might 
venture  the  dangerous  leap.  Add  to  all  this,  that  the 
enemy  occupied  the  upper  chambers  of  the  houses,  in 
the  interior  of  the  barrier,  on  both  sides  of  the  street, 
from  the  windows  of  which  we  became  fair  marks. 
The  enemy,  having  the  advantage  of  the  ground  in  front, 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.         in 

a  vast  superiority  of  numbers,  dry  and  better  arms,  gave 
them  an  irresistible  power,  in  so  narrow  a  space.  Hum 
phrey's,  upon  a  mound,  which  was  speedily  erected, 
attended  by  many  brave  men,  attempted  to  scale  the 
barrier,  but  was  compelled  to  retreat,  by  the  formidable 
phalanx  of  bayonets  within,  and  the  weight  of  fire  from 
the  platform  and  the  buildings.  Morgan,  brave  to 
temerity,  stormed  and  raged,  Hendricks,  Steele,  Nichols, 
Humphreys,  equally  brave,  were  sedate,  though  under  a 
tremendous  fire.  The  platform,  which  was  within  our 
view,  was  evacuated  by  the  accuracy  of  our  fire,  and  few 
persons  dared  venture  there  again.  Now  it  was,  that 
the  necessity  of  the  occupancy  of  the  houses,  on  our  side 
of  the  barrier,  became  apparent.  Orders  were  given  by 
Morgan,  to  that  effect.  We  entered  —  this  was  near 
daylight.  The  houses  were  a  shelter,  from  which  we 
could  fire  with  much  accuracy.  Yet,  even  here,  some 
valuable  lives  were  lost.  Hendricks,1  when  aiming  his 
rifle  at  some  prominent  person,  died  by  a  straggling  ball, 
through  his  heart.  He  staggered  a  few  feet  backwards, 


1  The  second  company  from  Pennsylvania  was  commanded  by  Captain 
William  Hendricks,  a  native  of  Cumberland  county,  born  two  miles  west 
of  the  Susquehanna  river  at  what  was  long  known  as  Tobias  Hendrick's  place, 
and  latterly  as  Oyster's  point.  He  was  killed  at  Quebec  January  i,  1776, 
and  buried  in  the  same  enclosure  with  General  Montgomery,  on  the  south 
side.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Smith,  in  his  oration  on  the  death  of  the  gallant  officer 
last  named,  makes  this  allusion  to  the  former  :  "  I  must  not,  however, 
omit  the  name  of  the  brave  Captain  Hendricks,  who  commanded  one  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Rifle  companies  and  was  known  to  me  from  his  infancy. 
He  was,  indeed,  prodigal  of  his  life  and  counted  danger  out  of  his  tour  of 
duty.  The  command  of  the  guard  belonged  to  him  on  the  morning  of  the 
attack  ;  but  he  solicited  and  obtained  leave  to  take  a  more  conspicuous  part  j 
and  having  led  his  men  through  the  barrier,  where  his  commanding  officer, 
General  Arnold  was  wounded,  he  long  sustained  the  fire  of  the  garrison  with 
unshaken  firmness,  till  at  last,  receiving  a  shot  in  his  breast,  he  immediately 
expired.  These  particulars  were  certified  by  Gen.  Thompson  and  Col. 
Magaw,  his  commanders  in  the  Pennsylvania  Rifle  Regiment,  and  they  give 
me  this  further  character  of  him  in  their  letter  :  'No  fatigues  of  duty  ever 
discouraged  him  ;  he  paid  the  strictest  attention  to  his  company  and  was 
ambitious  that  they  should  excel  in  discipline,  sobiiety  and  order.  His  social 
and  domestic  virtues  you  are  well  acquainted  with.'  " — Dr.  W.  H.  Eglc. 


112          Campaign  against  ghie bee,  1775. 

and  fell  upon  a  bed,  where  he  instantly  expired.  He 
was  an  ornament  of  our  little  society.  The  amiable 
Humphreys  died  by  a  like  kind  of  wound,  but  it  was  in 
the  street,  before  we  entered  the  buildings.  Many  other 
brave  men  fell  at  this  place,  among  these  were  Lieutenant 
Cooper,  of  Connecticut,  and  perhaps  fifty  or  sixty  non 
commissioned  officers,  and  privates.  The  wounded 
were  numerous,  and  many  of  them  dangerously  so. 
Captain  Lamb,  of  the  York  artillerists,  had  nearly  one 
half  of  his  face  carried  away  by  a  grape  or  canister  shot. 
My  friend  Steele  lost  three  of  his  fingers,  as  he  was 
presenting  his  gun  to  fire  ;  Captain  Hubbard  and  Lieutenant 
Fisdle,  were  also  among  the  wounded.  When  we  reflect 
upon  the  whole  of  the  dangers  at  this  barricade,  and  the 
formidable  force  that  came  to  "  annoy  us,  it  is  a  matter 
of  surprise,  that  so  many  should  escape  death  and 
wounding,  as  did."1  All  hope  of  success  having  vanished, 
a  retreat  was  contemplated,  but  hesitation,  uncertainty, 
and  a  lassitude  of  mind,  which  generally  takes  place  in 
the  affairs  of  men,  when  we  fail  in  a  project,  upon  which 
we  have  attached  much  expectation,  now  followed.  That 
moment  was  foolishly  lost,  when  such  a  movement  might 
have  been  made  with  tolerable  success.  Captain  Laws, 
at  the  head  of  two  hundred  men,  issuing  from  palace  gate, 
most  fairly  and  handsomely  cooped  us  up.  Many  of  the 
men,  aware  of  the  consequences,  and  all  our  Indians  and 
Canadians  (except  Natanis  and  another),  escaped  across 
the  ice  which  covered  the  bay  of  St.  Charles,  before  the 
arrival  of  Captain  Laws.  This  was  a  dangerous  and 
desperate  adventure,  but  worth  while  the  undertaking,  in 
avoidance  of  our  subsequent  sufferings.  Its  desperate- 


Of  the  other  company  officers  Lt.  John  McClellan,  who  resided  on  the 
Juniata  died  on  the  march  to  Quebec.  Lt.  Francis  Nichols  was  captured 
at  Quebec ;  after  the  war  he  was  commissioned  brigadier  general  in  the 
Pennsylvania  forces.  Dr.  Thomas  Gibson  of  Carlisle  was  also  captured.  He 
died  at  Valley  Forge  in  the  memorable  winter  of  1778. —  Ibid. 

xSee  General  Nichols's  letter. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.          113 

ness  consisted  in  running  two  miles  across  shoal  ice, 
thrown  up  by  the  high  tides  of  this  latitude  —  and  its 
danger,  in  the  meeting  with  air  holes,  deceptively  covered 
by  the  bed  of  snow. 

Speaking  circumspectly,  yet  it  must  be  admitted  con- 
jecturally,  it  seems  to  me,  that  in  the  whole  of  the 
attack  of  commissioned  officers,  we  had  six  killed,  five 
wounded,  and  of  non-commissioned  and  privates,  at  least 
one  hundred  and  fifty  killed,  and  fifty  or  sixty  wounded. 
Of  the  enemy,  many  were  killed  and  many  more 
wounded,  comparatively,  than  on  our  side,  taking  into 
view  the  disadvantages  we  labored  under  ;  and  that  but 
two  occasions  happened  when  we  could  return  their  fire, 
that  is,  at  the  first  and  second  barriers.  Neither  the 
American  account  of  this  affair,  as  published  by  congress, 
nor  that  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  admit  the  loss  of  either 
side  to  be  so  great  as  it  really  was,  in  my  estimation. 
It  seems  to  be  an  universal  practice  among  belligerents 
of  all  nations,  to  lessen  the  number  of  the  slain  of  the 
side  of  the  party  which  reports  the  event,  and  to  increase 
it  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  Having  had  pretty  good 
opportunities  of  forming  a  just  opinion  on  the  subject,  it 
is  hoped  that  gentlemen  who  have  thought  or  written 
differently,  will  not  disdain  to  listen  to  my  argument. 
As  to  the  British,  on  the  platform  they  were  fair  objects 
to  us.  They  were  soon  driven  thence  by  the  acuteness 
of  our  shooting,  which  in  our  apprehension  must  have 
destroyed  many.  Perhaps  there  never  was  a  body  of 
men  associated,  who  better  understood  the  use  and 
manner  of  employing  a  rifle,  than  our  corps,  which  by 
this  time  of  the  attack,  had  their  guns  in  good  order. 
When  we  took  possession  of  the  houses,  we  had  a 
greater  range.  Our  opportunities  to  kill  were  enlarged. 
Within  one  hundred  yards  every  man  must  die.  The 
British,  however,  were  at  home — they  could  easily  drag 
their  dead  out  of  sight,  and  bear  their  wounded  to  the 
hospital.  It  was  the  reverse  with  us.  Captain  Prentis, 
who  commanded  the  provost  guards,  would  tell  me  of 


H4          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

seven  or  eight  killed,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  wounded. 
Opposed  to  this,  the  sentries  (who  were  generally 
Irishmen  that  guarded  us  with  much  simplicity,  if  not 
honesty),  frequently  admitted  of  forty  or  fifty  killed,  and 
many  more  wounded.  The  latter  assertions  accorded 
with  my  opinion.  The  reasons  for  this  belief  are  these  : 
when  the  dead,  on  the  following  days,  were  transported 
on  the  carioles,  passed  our  habitation  for  deposition  in 
the  dead  house  we  observed  many  bodies  of  which 
none  of  us  had  any  knowledge  ;  and  again  when  our 
wounded  were  returned  to  us  from  the  hospital,  they 
uniformly  spoke  of  being  surrounded  there,  in  its  many 
chambers,  by  many  of  the  wounded  of  the  enemy.  To 
the  great  honor  of  General  Carleton  they  were  all, 
whether  friends  or  enemies,  treated  with  like  attention 
and  humanity.  The  reason  why  the  wounded  of  our 
side  bore  so  small  a  proportion  to  the  dead,  seems  to  be 
this  :  in  the  long  course  we  ran  from  palace  gate  to  the 
first  barrier,  we  lost  many  men  who  were  killed  out 
right,  but  many  more  died,  who  were  merely  wounded, 
yet  in  such  a  manner  as  in  a  milder  region  to  make  the 
case  a  curable  one.  A  blow  from  a  ball  so  large  as  that 
of  a  musket,  staggers  a  man,  whether  the  wound  be  in 
the  arm,  leg,  or  elsewhere  ;  if  in  staggering  he  falls,  he 
comes  down  into  a  deep  bed  of  snow,  from  which  a  hale 
man  finds  it  very  difficult  to  extricate  himself.  Five  or 
ten  minutes  struggling  in  such  a  bed,  benumbs  the 
strongest  man,  as  frequent  experience  has  taught  me  j 
if  the  party  be  wounded,  though  but  slightly,  twenty  or 
thirty  minutes  will  kill  him,  not  because  of  the  severity 
of  the  wound,  but  by  the  intensity  of  the  frost.  These 
are  my  opinions,  grounded  on  a  tolerably  distinct  and 
accurate  knowledge  of  particular  cases  which  occurred 
in  the  first  part  of  the  attack,  and  a  variety  of  inform 
ation  obtained  afterwards  from  individual  sufferers,  who 
were  persons  of  credibility,  rescued  from  death  by  the 
humane  activity  of  Governor  Carleton.  About  nine 
o'clock,  A.M.,  it  was  apparent  to  all  of  us  that  we  must 


Campaign  against  gtuebec,  1775.          IIS 

surrender.  It  was  done.  On  this  occasion,  my  friend 
General  F.  Nichols,  by  his  own  native  spirit,  persever 
ance  and  determined  bravery,  obtained  an  honorable 
distinction,  and  acknowledgment  from  a  brave  and  dis 
tinguished  enemy.  It  enhances  his  merit  and  the  boon 
(when  we  reflect  that  that  enemy  was  no  other  than 
General  Carleton),  an  ornament  such  as  would  grace 
any  nation,  whether  in  the  worst  or  best  of  times.  Some 
privates  came  to  Lieutenant  Nichols,  and  demanded  his 
sword  ;  the  requisition  was  peremptorily  denied,  though 
there  was  great  risk  in  the  refusal.  He  retained  his 
sword  till  meeting  with  Captain  Endesly  of  the  enemy, 
to  whom  it  was  surrendered  ;  but  with  the  exaction  of 
a  promise  that  it  should  be  returned  when  he,  the  cap 
tive,  should  be  released.  In  the  August  following, 
before  our  embarkation  for  New  York,  Captain  Endesly 
waited  on  Lieutenant  Nichols,  and  in  the  presence  of 
all  the  American  officers,  redelivered  the  sword,  under 
the  assurance  that  it  was  by  the  permission  and  com 
mand  of  General  Carleton.  This  trait  in  the  character 
of  Carleton  adds  to  the  celebrity  of  his  derivation,  and 
manner  of  thinking,  and  casts  into  a  dark  ground  the 
characters  of  most  of  the  principal  British  officers,  par 
ticularly  the  Scotch,  who  had  much  influence  in  those 
days  and  bore  towards  us  an  intemperate  hatred. 

The  commissioned  officers,  and  some  of  the  cadets 
were  conducted  to  the  seminary,  a  respectable  building. 
It  became  my  lot,  in  one  way  or  other,  to  be  lost  in  the 
crowd,  and  to  be  associated  with  the  non-commissioned 
officers,  in  the  company  of  some  of  whom  ardent  and 
perilous  duties  had  been  undergone.  These  men  are 
by  no  means  to  be  lessened  in  character,  by  contrasting 
them  with  the  levies  made  in  Europe,  or  those  made 
since  that  time  in  our  own  country.  Many  of  our 
sergeants,  and  even  of  our  privates,  were,  with  good 
educations,  substantial  freeholders  in  our  own  country. 
Upon  a  former  occasion  you  were  told  the  story  of  the 
respectable  Dixon.  He  possessed  (if  sordid  wealth 


1 1 6          Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

makes  the  man),  two-fold  the  riches  of  his  captain  ;  and 
if  it  be  permitted  me  to  decide  upon  the  characters  of 
men,  five-fold  his  understanding,  activity  and  spirit. 
Amiable  Dixon  !  Many  of  these  men,  in  the  progress  of 
the  bloody  scenes  which  ensued,  became  props  of  our 
glorious  cause,  in  defence  of  our  sacred  liberties.  All 
could  be  named.  Let  a  few  suffice.  Thomas  Boyd, 
so  often  spoken  of  in  the  wilderness  for  his  good  humor, 
his  activity  and  the  intensity  of  his  sufferings  ;  struggled 
gloriously  for  his  life  as  a  captain,  and  died  a  dreadful 
death  by  the  hands  of  the  savages  in  1779,  in  the  expedi 
tion  conducted  by  General  Sullivan  against  the  Six-nation 
Indians.1  Charles  Porterfield,  who  lost  his  life  in  the 


1  The  death  of  my  friend  Boyd  was  to  me  as  a  thunderbolt}  painful  in 
an  excessive  degree ;  many  a  tear  has  since  been  shed  to  his  manes.  In 
the  autumn  of  1779,  ne  commanded  a  company  of  rifle-men  of  the  first 
Pennsylvania  regiment.  When  Sullivan  had  penetrated  into  the  Seneca 
country,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Genesee  river,  Boyd,  as  my  inform 
ation  is  from  various  gentlemen,  was  ordered  with  a  band  of  twenty  choice 
men,  before  daylight  to  make  an  excursion  towards  an  Indian  village,  on 
the  river  Genesee  (which  flows  north  into  Lake  Ontario),  at  a  distance  of 
eight  miles,  for  the  purpose  of  making  discoveries.  In  his  return,  arriving 
at  a  rising  ground,  a  knoll,  he  heard  a. rustling  of  the  leaves  in  his  front  : 
an  enemy  was  suspected  j  he  gathered  his  men  around  him,  each  taking 
his  tree.  The  enemy  was  sightless  to  Boyd  and  his  party,  yet  the  approach 
around  him  was  sensible  to  every  one.  Boyd,  not  knowing  the  number  of 
his  assailants,  it  is  said,  considered  them  as  a  small  body  of  observation. 
This  party  of  Indians,  probably  one  thousand,  encompassed  Boyd  and  his 
men,  gradually  :  a  defence  worthy  of  the  character  of  Boyd  took  place. 
Every  man  he  had  was  killed,  except  three,  who  broke  through  the  Indians, 
and  brought  the  doleful  tidings  to  our  camp.  Boyd  was  taken,  and  carried 
alive  to  the  Indiantown,  where  he  was  tortured  after  their  savage  custom, 
and  his  body  mangled  in  the  most  horrible  manner.  General  Simpson, 
who  was  then  with  the  army,  assures  me  that  on  the  following  day,  when 
the  troops  arrived  at  the  town,  in  the  wigwams,  they  found  a  number  of 
fresh  scalps  stretched  in  the  usual  manner  on  small  hoops,  and  painted. 
The  head  of  Boyd  lay  in  one  of  the  cabins,  newly  dissevered.  His  scalp 
was  still  moist  and  hooped  and  painted.  Simpson  knew  it  by  its  long 
brown  and  silky  hair  :  it  is  now  preserved  as  a  relic  of  our  friend.  An 
officer  (Captain  A.  Henderson),  lately,  in  describing  this  unequal  but 
arduous  fight,  upon  the  part  of  Boyd,  told  me,  "  that  the  hands  of  the  dead 
men,  in  many  instances,  were  fast  closed  upon  the  hair  of  Indians." 

To  give  you  a  more  perfect  idea  of  the  brutality  of  savage  torture,  and  of 
heart-rending  sensations,  I  can  do  no  better  than  to  lay  before  you    the 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.          117 

battle  of  Camden,  when  in  the  station  of  a  colonel. 
Joseph  Aston,  of  Lamb's,  who  served  his  country 
throughout  the  war,  and  was  promoted  to  a  majority. 
Doctor  Thomas  Gibson,  of  Hendricks',  who  died  in  the 
performance  of  his  duty,  at  the  Valley  Forge,  in  the 
winter  of  1778.  Robert  Cunningham,  a  wealthy  free 
holder  of  Smith's,  who  here  imbibed  the  seeds  of  that 
disorder,  which,  at  too  early  an  age,  hurried  him  to  the 
grave.  He  was  a  younger  brother  of  that  excellent 


letter  of  the  Honorable  Thomas  Campbell,  of  the  senate,  who  himself  has 
been  a  martyr  in  our  cause.  He  saw  the  corpse  of  the  unfortunate  Boyd 
on  the  following  day,  and  interred  it.  Since  the  death  of  Colonel  Craw 
ford  we  know  nothing  like  the  present  martyrdom,  in  the  cause  of  liberty  } 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  from  the  prudence  and  strength  of  the  federal  go 
vernment,  nothing  of  the  kind  will  again  occur  in  our  future  wars  with  the 
aborigines  of  our  country. 

"  SENATE  CHAMBER,  LANCASTER, 

"January  30^,  1809. 
"SiR, 

"  Captain  Lieutenant  Thomas  Boyd,  belonging  to  the  riflemen  of  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania,  was  most  inhumanly  murdered  by  the  Indians.  His 
death  occurred  on  the  I3th  day  of  September,  1779,  at  tne  Genesee  Castle, 
on  General  Sullivan's  expedition  to  the  northwestward,  against  the  Six- 
nation  Indians." 

"  He  was  sent  on  the  night  of  the  lath  of  September,  from  the  camp, 
near  a  lake  called  '  Conesus,'  with  a  party  of  men,  consisting  of  twenty 
soldiers,  five  volunteers  and  an  Indian  chief,  named  Han-Jost,  belonging 
to  the  Oneida  nation  :  in  all  twenty-seven  in  number.  They  were  sent  by 
General  Sullivan  to  reconnoitre  an  Indian  town,  supposed  to  be  about 
six  miles  distant  from  the  camp.  On  the  morning  of  the  I2th  of  September, 
the  army  took  up  the  line  of  march  before  sunrise,  but  marching  a  short 
distance,  was  obliged  to  halt,  till  the  pioneers  made  a  bridge  over  a  morass, 
otherwise  the  cannon  could  not  have  been  brought  up.  The  town  that 
Captain  Boyd  was  taken  to,  was  evacuated  by  all  except  two  Indians,  one 
was  on  horseback,  the  other  was  leading  a  cow.  James  Elliot  and  Timothy 
Murphy  were  sent  to  stop  them,  they  both  discharged  their  guns  at  the 
same  time,  the  one  that  led  the  cow  was  killed,  the  other,  though  severely 
wounded,  escaped.  Boyd  returning  slowly,  expecting  to  meet  the  army,  saw 
an  Indian  start  up  and  run  off.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Boyd 
stopped  the  men  from  pursuit,  at  the  request  of  Han-Jost,  who  said  the  Indian 
was  only  a  runner,  sent  to  draw  them  into  an  ambuscade.  Eighteen  of  the 
soldiers  were  killed,  and  Han-Jost  the  Oneida  chief,  was  made  a  greater 
sacrifice  than  any  of  the  white  men  who  fell  or  were  taken  at  that  place. 

"Captain  Boyd  and  Michael  Parker  were  made  prisoners,  and  taken  to 
the  Genesee  Castle,  and  there  most  inhumanly  murdered.  Boyd's  head 


n8          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

citizen,  and  frequent  representative  of  the  people  of  the 
county  of  Lancaster,  James  Cunningham.  In  short, 
many  others  might  be  mentioned  in  the  general,  as  worthy 
and  well  informed  as  their  superiors,  without  in  anywise, 
imputing  to  the  latter,  in  so  saying,  the  slightest  degree 
of  disparagement.  This  will  always  be  the  case,  when 
the  great  body  of  a  nation  rises  in  its  strength  to  defend 
its  rights.  Those  who  understand  the  point  in  question, 
in  a  national  dispute,  and  are  most  strongly  impressed 


was  taken  off  and  totally  skinned,  his  right  eye  was  taken  out,  as  also  his 
tongue.  His  right  foot,  from  the  ball  of  the  heel  to  the  toes,  was  laid 
open  as  if  with  a  knife.  He  was  cut  open  across  the  bottom  of  his  belly, 
.and  his  bowels  were  taken  out,  and  a  very  long  knife  was  sticking  in  be 
tween  his  shoulders,  descending  to  the  vital  parts.  This  seems  to  have 
been  the  coup  de  grace. 

"  General  Simpson  and  myself,  were  sent  to  see  the  corpse  of  Boyd  in 
terred.  I  spread  a  blanket  on  the  ground  beside  him,  we  then  turned  the 
corpse  over  on  it.  I  took  the  head  of  the  deceased,  and  put  it  as  near  the 
neck  as  possible.  I  procured  a  needle  and  thread  from  one  of  the  tailors, 
and  sewed  the  corpse  up  as  well  as  I  could.  As  to  the  head  of  Michael 
Parker,  it  could  not  be  found.  All  the  flesh  was  cut  out  from  his  shoulders 
downward,  and  otherwise  his  body  was  most  inhumanly  mangled. 

"  We  interred   the  corpses  of  both,  near  the  Genesee  Castle,  in  separate 
graves,  on  the  I4th  day  of  September,  1779. 
"  I  am  Sir, 

Your  humble  servant 

THOMAS  CAMPBELL. 
Late  a  captain  of  the  four tb 

Pennsylvania  regim&nt" 
"  To  the  Hon.  John  Jos.  Henry." 

Though  we  have  no  account  from  an  eye  witness,  of  the  barbarous  manner 
in  which  Capcain  Boyd  was  tortured,  yet  we  may  conceive  from  the  ap 
pearance  of  his  body,  that  the  most  malignant  and  hellish  pains  were  ex 
ercised  upon  it.  The  being  emboweled,  conveys  an  idea  of  a  known  mode 
of  Indian  torment  :  the  fixing  an  end  of  the  entrails  to  the  stake,  and 
compelling  the  prisoner  by  fire  and  blows  to  run  till  the  conglomerated 
mass  is  expended.  Upon  the  subject  of  these  tortures,  look  at  Dr. 
COL  DEN'S  History  of  the  Mohawks,  and  Judge  SMITH'S  History  of  Necw  York. 

Colonel  Campbell  is  of  opinion,  that  the  wound  along  the  sole  of  Captain 
Boyd's  foot,  was  made  before  the  savages  brought  him  to  their  (castle)  or 
village.  His  reason  is,  that  the  wound  was  filled  with  bits  of  rotten 
branches  of  wood,  and  small  pieces  of  leaves.  The  conjecture  may  be 
true,  as  Indian  punishment,  at  its  acme,  is  to  give  the  greatest  degree  of 
pain. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.          JI9 

»with  its  importance,  will  be  the  first  to  arm.  This  has. 
been,  and  ever  will  be,  the  disposition  of  men  in  all 
ages,  past  or  to  come,  whenever  their  privileges  are 
invaded.  Offices  of  prime  importance  cannot  be  ob 
tained  by  all.  Men  of  talents,  of  genius  and  courage 
must  step  into  subordinate  stations.  Socrates,  Alcibiades 
and  Demosthenes  fought  in  the  ranks. 

God  in  his  great  goodness  grant,  in  the  future 
vicissitudes  of  the  world,  that  our  countrymen,  whenever 
their  essential  rights  shall  be  attacked,  will  divest  them 
selves  of  all  party  prejudice,  and  devote  their  lives  and 
properties  in  defence  of  the  sacred  liberties  of  their 
country,  without  any  view  to  emolument,  but  that  which 
springs  from  glorious  and  honorable  actions.  Pardon 
me  for  frequent  digression,  upon  this  subject  particularly, 
as  my  whole  soul  was  bound  up  in  our  cause,  you  must 
forgive  me.  The  real  apology  is,  we  were,  all  of  us, 
enthusiastic  whigs. 

When  under  guard,  in  the  morning  of  the  first  of 
January,  Colonel  M'Dougal,  a  Scotch  gentleman,  near 
noon,  came  to  review  us  ;  his  person  was  known  to  me 
at  Detroit,  as  an  intimate  of  an  uncle,  three  years  before 
this  time.  The  colonel  was  naturally  polite  and  kind- 
hearted.  When  it  came  to  my  turn  to  be  examined,  as 
to  name,  place  of  birth,  etc.,  besides  making  the  proper 
answers  to  his  inquiries,  I  was  emboldened  to  declare 
that  he  was  known  to  me.  He  seemed  surprised,  but 
not  displeased  ;  a  request  was  immediately  added  "  that 
he  would  order  me  to  be  transferred  to  the  quarters  of 
the  officers."  uNo,  my  dear  boy,"  said  he,  "you  had 
better  remain  where  you  are  ;  the  officers,  as  you  are  in 
rebellion,  may  be  sent  to  England,  and  there  be  tried 
for  treason."  The  advice  of  this  venerable  veteran 
made  an  impression  on  my  mind,  which  was  then  agitated 
by  a  thousand  vagrant  thoughts,  and  involved  in  doubt 
and  uncertainty  as  to  our  destination.  We  then  well 


I2O          Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

knew  of  the  voyage  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen  to  England, 
and  the  manner  of  it  j1  and  that  of  George  Merchant, 


1  Of  the  treatment  of  Ethan  Allen,  at  the  time  spoken  of,  we  know 
nothing  but  from  report,  which  we  then  thought  well. grounded,  and  the 
truth  of  which,  at  this  day,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.  He  was  a  man 
of  much  peculiarity  of  character.  Large,  powerful  of  body,  a  most  ferocious 
temper  (fearing  neither  God  nor  man),  of  a  most  daring  courage,  and  a 
perti'nacity  of  disposition,  which  was  unconquerable,  and  very  astonishing 
in  all  his  undertakings  :  withal  he  had  the  art  of  making  himself  beloved, 
and  revered  by  all  his  followers.  When  he  was  taken  in  the  Isle  of 
Montreal,  in  1775,  the  government  found  it  necessary  to  confine  him  in  a 
cage,  as  one  would  a  wild  beast,  and  thus  aboard  ship,  he  was  transported 
to  Quebec.  What  his  treatment  was  during  this  voyage  to  England,  is 
unknown  to  me. 

This,  however,  i-j  known,  that  for  many  years  he  was  a  prisoner  in  Eng 
land,  returning  from  his  captivity  to  America,  he  brought  with  him  a 
manuscript,  which  he  afterwards  entitled  The  Oracle  of  Reason.  My 
beloved  children,  it  is  the  farthest  from  my  thought  to  confine  your  know 
ledge  to  narrow  bounds  ;  when  you  dip  into  scriptural  history,  dip  deep,  do 
not  skim  the  surface  of  the  subject,  as  many  fools  have  done  of  late  days. 
Upon  a  thorough  inquiry,  your  hearts  will  be  animated  by  a  conviction 
that  there  came  a  Saviour  to  redeem  you  from  eternal  perdition,  and  to 
provide  for  you  an  eternal  salvation  and  state  of  happiness. 

That  book  was  most  certainly  the  composition  of  Ethan  Allen.  He  was 
very  illiterate  j  he  did  not  know  the  orthography  of  our  language.  The 
extent  of  his  learning,  probably  bounded  by  some  historic  chronicles,  and 
a  few  other  books  of  little  account,  did  not  go  beyond  the  scriptures.  The 
gentleman  who  gave  me  the  above  information,  was  an  elegant  scholar,  bred 
at  Harvard  college.  Going  to  New  York  in  thesummer  of  1786,  a  friend, 
from  mere  curiosity,  requested  me  to  purchase  the  book  for  him.  Being 
detained  at  New  York  six  weeks  by  business,  I  frequently  looked  into  the 
detestable  volume.  The  argument  if  so  diabolical  a  work  can  be  said  to 
contain  argument,  was  in  general  arranged,  and  conducted  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Age  of  Reason,  but  in  a  coarser,  and  yet  a  more  energetic 
language,  than  that  of  the  latter  work.  On  my  return  to  Philadelphia,  in 
a  conversation  with  the  Vermontese  gentleman,  who  was  still  there,  Ethan 
Allen's  Bible,  became  a  topic  of  discourse.  He  gave  me  this  curious  an 
ecdote  which  he  averred  upon  his  honor  to  be  true.  A  young  gentleman, 
either  a  scholar  of  Harvard  or  Yale  college,  had  come  into  Vermont,  and 
there  taught  a  school.  Allen  labored  under  the  want  of  an  amanuensis 
and  transcriber  of  knowledge  and  learning.  The  scholar,  to  increase  his 
emoluments,  became  such.  Allen  attended  him  daily,  standing,  staff  in  hand, 
at  the  back  of  the  young  man's  chair.  "  Sir,"  he  would  say  to  Allen,  "  this 
word  is  misspelled."  "  Amend  it."  Again,  "  this  word  is  misplaced,  the 
sense  is  incorrect,"  etc.  Allen,  who  was  most  profane,  would  swear  (some 
times  raising  his  staff)  "  By  G**  sir,  you  shall  insert  it  j  you  shall  not  alter 
it."  Thus  the  Oracle  of  Reason  came  into  the  world  j  which,  of  all  books, 


Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775.          121 

our  fellow  soldier,  but  the  consequences  were  unknown. 
It  became  my  determination  to  take  the  fatherly  advice 


is  the  most  bluntly  vicious,  as  regards  the  well-being  of  society  j  the  salva 
tion  of  souls  j  and  the  happiness  of  those  who  have  faith  in  the  redemption 
by  the  blood  of  our  Saviour.  But  that  which  is  very  remarkable,  is,  that 
long  after  the  publication  of  Allen's  book,  which  had  fallen  into  oblivion, 
even  with  its  readers,  that  vile  reprobate,  Thomas  Paine,  loaded  with  every 
crime  which  stains  and  dishonors  the  Christian  and  the  gentleman  (in  ad 
dition  to  his  shameful  practices  in  life,  Paine,  as  an  author,  superadded 
plagiarism),  niched  from  Ethan  Allen  the  great  body  of  his  deistical  and 
atheistical  opinions,  which  from  the  time  of  Celsus,  down  to  the  age  of 
Chubb,  Tindal  and  others,  have  been  so  often  refuted  by  men  of  the  utmost 
respectability  of  character  and  fame.  When  we  reflect  upon  the  vicissitudes 
of  this  world,  its  immense  revolutions  in  temporal  affairs,  the  awful  perse 
cutions  which  occurred  in  early  times,  the  collisions  of  opinion  and  party 
rage,  in  the  article  of  religious  belief;  and  the  vast  body  of  martyrs  who 
devoted  their  lives  in  support  of  their  faith,  ivc  must  believe  that  there  is 
something  more  than  ordinary ;  something  really  divine  in  the  system  of 
our  religion,  springing  from  God  himself.  In  the  last  ages,  we  know  of 
many  of  both  sexes,  of  the  soundest  and  best  instructed  minds,  whom  it  is 
almost  needless  to  name,  unless  it  be  merely  for  the  purpose  of  opposing 
their  virtues  and  characters  to  persons  of  a  different  mode  of  thinking. 
All  of  them  possessed  a  firm  and  solid  credence  in  the  celestial  origin  of 
our  holy  faith,  and  some  of  them  sealed  their  creed  with  their  blood. 
When  such  men  suffer  because  of  principle,  some  reliance  should  be  placed 
on  their  good  sense  and  knowledge.  The  terms  enthusiasm  and  madness, 
have  been  too  often  coupled,  as  conveying  the  same  idea.  George  Fox, 
Captain  Meade,  and  William  Penn,  have  been  called  enthusiastic  madmen, 
but  we  now  know  that  they  acted  through  the  course  of  the  religious  parts 
of  their  lives,  from  a  conviction  of  the  principles  of  the  gospel,  being 
genuine  and  absolutely  true.  However,  on  this  subject,  but  a  few  names 
need  be  repeated  to  convey  to  your  minds  its  importance  and  solemnity. 
Many  of  the  greatest  men,  as  it  concerns  worldly  things,  were  Christians. 
John  Huss,  Jerome  of  Prague,  Martin  Luther,  John  Calvin,  Cranmer, 
Hooker,  Tillotson,  of  the  clergy  ;  of  the  laity,  Sir  Thomas  Moore,  Sir 
Matthew  Hale,  Spangenberg,  Mosheim,  Joseph  Addison,  Richard  Steele, 
Lord  Henry  Littleton,  Soame  Jenyns,  and  thousands  of  others,  all  men  of 
profound  learning,  have  testified  by  their  lives  and  writings,  a  reliance  on 
the  merits  of  the  redemption  by  the  blood  of  Christ  Jesus.  But  when  we 
find  those  men  supported  and  reinforced  by  two  of  the  strongest  minded 
men  that  ever  lived,  Sir  Isaac  Newton  and  John  Locke,  who  can  doubt  ? 
When  we  contrast  their  opinions  with  those  of  Hobbs,  Chubb,  Henry  St. 
John,  Voltaire,  J.  J.  Rousseau,  Beringer,  the  great  Frederick  of  Prussia, 
or  Mr.  Gibbon,  how  deeply  do  the  last  not  sink,  by  the  weight  of  reason 
and  argument  ?  Allen  and  Paine  are  paltry  wretches,  mere  scribblers,  if 
classed  with  the  men  last  named.  Those  were  beautiful  writers,  whose 
languaee  fascinates,  but  corrupts  the  vouth^ul  mind,  these  are  dull  plodders, 
11 


122          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

of  Colonel  M'Dougal,  for  it  was  really  delivered  in  the 
parental  style,  and  to  adhere  to  it.     He  brought  one  of 


who  knew  not  the  principles  of  their  mother  tongue  ;  but  it  is  perhaps 
from  the  circumstance  of  illiterateness,  that  Allen  and  Paine  have  attacked 
Christianity  in  so  gross  and  indecorous  a  manner.  The  maniac  Paine,  when 
confined  in  the  prison,  Conciergerie,  at  Paris,  seems  to  boast  "that  he  kept 
no  bible."  This  may  be  true.  But  the  expression  shows  that  his  proper 
place,  instead  of  a  common  jail,  should  have  been  a  mad-house. 

It  shows,  however,  a  vanity  of  mind  beyond  the  bearing  of  men  of  under 
standing.  Indeed  he  was  inflated  by  a  supercilious  pride,  and  an  imaginary 
importance,  which  made  his  society  undesirable.  He  was  one  of  that  class 
of  men  who,  with  a  small  spice  of  learning,  in  company,  domineered  as 
if  he  had  been  a  Johnson.  He  was  almost  unbearable  to  many  men,  who 
patronized  him  because  of  the  good  effect  of  his  works  during  the  revolu 
tion.  To  give  you  a  few  instances  ;  the  late  David  Rittenhouse,  Esq., 
one  of  the  most  amiable,  most  ingenious  and  best  of  men,  treasurer  of  the 
state,  George  Bryan,  Esq.,  the  vice-president  of  the  council,  a  man  of  great 
reading  and  much  good  sense,  Jonathan  Sergeant,  the  attorney  general  of 
Pennsylvania,  whose  oratorical  powers  could  scarcely  be  surpassed,  and 
your  grand-father,  and  many  other  gentlemen  of  character,  during  the  course 
of  the  years  '77,  '78  and  '79,  were  in  habits  of  intimacy  with  him,  but  his 
dogmatic  disposition  and  obstinacy  of  mind,  frequently  caused  great  disgust. 
Again,  Colonel  Samuel  John  Attlee,  an  excellent  patriot,  and  a  man  of 
note  among  us,  both  in  the  military  and  civil  capacities  of  a  citizen,  gave 
this  anecdote  to  me,  a  few  months  after  the  occurrence  happened.  Though 
all  the  gentlemen  present,  approved  of  the  writings  of  Paine,  as  they  con 
cerned  our  political  state,  for  they  were  all  of  them  to  a  man,  good  whigs, 
yet  they  abhorred  him,  because  of  his  personal  aberrations  from  virtue,  and 
the  decencies  of  social  life.  A  Mr.  Mease  of  Philadelphia,  who  was  clothier 
general,  had  invited  a  number  of  gentlemen  of  the  army,  then  in  the  city, 
to  dine  with  him.  Among  whom  were  Colonel  Attlee,  Colonel  Francis 
Johnson,  General  Nichols,  and  many  members  of  the  legislature  of  whom 
there  was  Matthias  Slough  of  Lancaster.  You  may  readily  suppose,  that 
the  excellent  wine  of  Mr.  Mease  exhilerated  the  company.  When  return 
ing  to  their  lodgings,  Colonel  Attlee  observed  Paine  coming  towards  them 
down  Market-street.  There  comes  "  Common  Sense,"  says  Attlee  to  the 
company.  "  Damn  him,"  says  Slough,  "I  shall  common  sense  him."  As 
he  approached  the  party,  they  took  the  wall.  Mr.  Slough  tripped  him, 
and  threw  him  on  his  back  into  a  gutter,  which  at  that  time  was  very 
offensive  and  filthy. 

This  is  told,  to  communicate  a  trait  to  you,  in  the  character  of  Thomas 
Paine,  who  did  some  good,  but  avast  deal  of  harm  to  mankind,  "that  the 
very  people  who  were  most  benefited  by  his  literary  labors,  hated  him." 
The  company  I  have  spoken  of,  were  all  men  of  eminence  in  the  state ; 
men  who  staked  their  all  on  the  issue  of  the  revolution.  The  writings  of 
Paine  as  concerns  «j,  are  many  of  them  handsomely  worded,  have  pith  and 
much  strength  or  argumentj  and  are  in  general  correct,  yet  his  domestic 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.          I23 

his  sons,  whom  I  had  formerly  known,  to  see  me  on  the 
following  day.     About  mid-dav  we  were  escorted   to  a 


life  and  manners  were  so  very  incorrect,  that  a  disgust,  which  was  perhaps 
right,  destroyed  every  favorable  personal  feeling  towards  him.  His  in 
delicacy  was  intolerable.  His  numbers  of  Common  Sense,  the  Crisis,  and 
some  other  of  his  fugitive  pieces,  every  American  who  recollects  those 
"  trying  times,"  must  acknowledge  to  have  been  extremely  beneficial  to 
our  cause.  This  has  often  been  admitted  by  our  Generals  Washington, 
Gates,  Greene,  etc.,  but  he  was  compensated,  and  had  the  secretaryship 
for  foreign  affairs.  Like  all  men  of  bad  principles,  he  betrayed  his  trust, 
and  a  virtuous  congress  displaced  him,  yet  the  different  states  more  than 
remunerated  him  for  all  his  writings. 

So  it  is,  that  that  man  who  was  without  virtue,  a  disturber  of  society, 
an  ill  husband,  an  unworthy  citizen,  cloaked  by  every  vice,  would  now  by 
his  Age  of  Reason,  which  he  stole  from  the  ignorant  Ethan  Allen, 
who  was  as  iniquitous  as  himself,  destroy  the  peace  of  mind,  and  all  the 
hope  of  happiness  in  futurity,  of  those  who  rely  on  the  redemption  of  their 
souls  by  the  blood  of  Christ  5  and  that,  without  substituting,  or  even  sug 
gesting,  any  other  manner  of  faith,  tending  to  quiet  the  minds  of  sinners. 
I  knew  Paine  well,  and  that  personally,  for  he  lodged  in  the  house  of  my 
father,  during  the  time  that  Generals  Howe  and  Clinton  were  in  Philadel 
phia.  His  host  often  regretted  the  entertainment  he  gave  him.  His 
manners  were  in  opposition  and  hostile  to  the  observances  of  the  proprieties 
and  due  ordinances  of  social  life.  Many  who  approved  of  his  political 
writings  abominated  his  detestable  mode  of  living  and  acting. 

[I  am  justified  in  using  these  expressions,  by  an  occurrence  in  1794, 
with  my  own  mother.  She  was  a  woman  of  strong  understanding,  and  of 
unfeigned  and  rigid  belief  in  the  truths  of  gospel-history,  yet  a  dispassionate, 
placid  and  mild  religionist.  Her  heart  was  so  free  from  thinking  ill  of  any 
one,  that  of  a  truth  of  her  it  might  be  said  "  she  knew  no  guile."  One 
day  going  to  a  bookseller's  in  Lancaster,  I  met  with  an  extract  in  the  shape 
of  a  pamphlet  of  Doctor  Joseph  Priestley's  History  of  the  Corruption  of 
Christianity.  Never  having  seen  any  of  that  gentleman's  polemic  works, 
it  was  purchased.  My  mother  as  usual  came  in  in  the  evening,  to  sit  and 
converse  with  my  family.  I  was  reading  the  pamphlet.  "  What  have  you 
got  ?  "  "  A  work  of  Doctor  Priestley's  on  religion."  I  was  then  at  the 
chapter  of  the  "Doctrine  of  the  Atonement  of  Christ,"  for  the  sins  of  the 
world.  The  title  of  the  chapter  excited  the  attention  of  my  mother. 
Before  she  came  in  the  passage  had  been  partly  perused,  and  she  eagerly 
asked  me  "  to  read  the  whole  of  it  to  her."  I  began,  but  had  scarcely  pro 
ceeded  through  two  or  three  pages,  when  she  rapped  the  book  from  my 
hands,  and  threw  it  into  the  fire,  where  it  was  most  deservedly  burned. 
Smilingly,  I  said  "mother,  why  do  you  destroy  my  book?"  The  reply  was 
with  an  observable  degree  of  anger  :  "  Because  your  book  would  destroy  my 
happiness,  in  this  and  the  world  to  come  !  I  know  that  I  have  a  Savior, 
who  redeemed  me,  whose  blood  was  shed  upon  the  cross  for  me  :  of  this, 
I  am  convinced.  Your  book  goes  to  make  me  doubt  of  the  merits  of  the 


124          Campaign  against  Qiiebec,  1775. 

ruinous  monastery  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis,  called  the 
Reguliers.     It  was  an   immense  quadrangular  building, 


sufferings  of  that  Savior.  The  book  would  deprive  me  of  the  only  staff 
upon  which  my  hope  of  salvation  rests,  and  gives  me  none  other,  upon 
which  I  can  lean."  These  notions  of  my  beloved  mother,  which  accorded 
fully  with  my  own,  on  that  topic,  were  submitted  to  with  a  juvenile  frank 
ness  which  pleased  her,  and  of  all  the  world  I  knew  none  whom  I  so 
much  wished  to  oblige,  as  that  dear,  amiable  and  instructive  mother.  My 
father  had  been  a  mechanic  of  much  respectability,  and  great  skill. 
During  the  war  usually  called  "  Braddock's  war,"  and  afterwards  in  Forbes's 
campaign  (in  1758),  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  armory,  which  in  those 
days  was  no  mean  station,  and  required  talents  of  a  superior  grade. 
Afterwards,  having  made  a  tolerable  fortune,  he  entered  into  trade,  but 
his  inclinations  led  him  into  chemical  experiments.  His  evenings  and 
mornings  were  devoted  to  the  laboratory.  This  gave  rise  to  my  mother's 
acquaintance  with  Mr.  Priestley,  as  an  experimental  philosopher.  For  the 
instruction  of  his  children,  my  father  would  discourse  upon  the  subjects  of 
science  and  particularly  of  chemistry,  which  was  his  favorite  theme,  and  in 
which  the  names  of  Franklin  and  Priestley  were  sure  to  stand  foremost. 
My  beloved  parent's  manner  showed  me  that  she  was  stung  to  the  quick. 
-My  apology  to  her,  had  the  desired  effect,  as  her  curiosity  and  mine 
sprung  from  similar  motives,  "  a  desire  to  know  the  religious  opinions  of  a 
man  of  whom  we  had  had  superlative  ideas,"  because  of  his  acquirements 
in  many  other  branches  of  knowledge. 

The  position  wished  to  be  proved  to  you,  by  this  relation  which  is  true, 
is  "  that  for  the  sake  of  public  and  private  comfort  and  genial  happiness,  it 
is  better  not  to  disturb  the  devout  mind  by  fanciful  and  newfangled  schemes 
of  belief,  and  that  those  should  be  open  only  to  the  eyes  of  the  learned." 
My  mother  was  a  person  of  extensive  reading  j  her  religious  tenets  and 
faith  were  solely  grounded  on  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa 
ments,  as  these,  in  her  mind,  were  considered  as  clearly  correct,  but 
nevertheless  she  was  fearful  of  a  disturbance  of  her  mind  by  the  quirks 
and  quibbles  of  deistical  scribblers.  Therefore  to  interfere  with  her 
devotional  principles,  in  so  rude  and  heterodox  a  manner,  tended  to  derange 
her  charming  mind,  and  devastate  those  elegant  maxims  of  Christian  belief, 
which  the  excellency  of  her  maternal  education  had  infused  into  her  heart ; 
in  short,  to  destroy  that  firmness  with  which  she  relied  on  the  merits  and 
sufferings  of  our  Lord  and  Savior  Jesus  Christ. 

Such  men  as  Hobbs,  Chubb,  etc.,  seem  not  to  have  reflected  on  the 
dreadful  ills  and  calamities  their  writings  would  create,  if  their  books  came 
into  general  circulation.  If  they  did  reflect,  posterity  ought  to  consider 
them  to  have  been  the  tigers  and  hyenas  of  human  society,  opposed  to  the 
well  being  of  the  human  race.  Voltaire  and  John  James  Rousseau,  in  my 
humble  opinion,  intended  well  to  the  people  of  France,  but  when  speaking 
of  those  gentlemen,  we  should  recollect  that  they,  as  well  as  the  virtuous 
and  celebrated  Montesquieu,  were  the  subjects  of  a  prince  who  might,  if  he 
pleased,  be  despotic  :  but  that  which  was  still  worse,  was,  that  the  people 


Campaign  against  g)ue bee,  1775.          I25 

containing,  within   its   interior   bounds,  half  an  acre  or 
more,  of  an  area,  which  seemed  to  be  like  a  garden  or 


were  abandoned  to  the  control  of  a  theological  aristocracy  —  bigoted, 
wealthy,  imperious  and  scandalously  subjected  to  vices,  in  many  instances, 
greater  than  those  of  laymen,  insomuch  that  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV, 
because  of  the  infamous  lives,  and  the  oppressions  of  all  classes  of  the 
nation  by  the  clergy,  there  was  scarcely  a  gentleman  in  the  kingdom,  who 
was  not  deistically  inclined.  For  when  the  ministers  of  a  religion  of  so 
high  sanctity,  as  that  of  our  Holy  Faith,  demean  themselves  in  a  manner 
which  evinces  to  laymen  their  want  of  confidence  in  the  religion  (which 
they  had  been  consecrated  to  propagate  and  enforce),  by  an  unholy  life  and 
conduct,  particularly  in  their  cruel  exactions  from  devotees;  in  the  latter 
instance,  of  enormous  fees,  and  various  demands  of  tithes  of  a  most 
exorbitant  nature,  which  from  time  to  time,  they  wickedly  usurped. 
Hence,  it  arose  that  Montesqueiu,  Voltaire,  Diderot,  Rousseau,  and 
hundreds  of  others,  of  the  learned  men  of  France  (considering  the  state  of 
that  government),  formed  a  phalanx  of  historic  knowledge,  genuine 
reasoning,  true  wit,  and  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  humor,  which  slurred 
their  opponents  to  such  a  degree,  as  in  the  minds  of  the  generality  0?  Europe 
gave  them  a  deserved  victory  even  over  the  government,  which  supported 
the  theocracy,  with  its  vast  power.  It  also,  most  probably,  came  from 
thence,  that  those  men  under  the  clerical  persecutions  raised  against  them 
(  for  many  were  confined  in  the  dungeons),  in  the  heat  of  controversy, 
emitted  opinions  and  ideas  inconsistent  with  our  pure,  simple  and  holy 
religion,  according  to  the  Augsburg  creed,  which  we  know  has  been  adopted, 
either  in  the  whole  or  in  parr,  by  all  the  reformed  churches.  In  polemic 
disputes,  and  perhaps  more  particularly  in  those  which  happened  in 
monarchies,  there  is  an  acrimony  and  irascibility  of  temper,  inflaming  the 
minds  of  men  generally,  greater  than  is  the  case  in  democracies.  The 
cause  seems  to  be,  that  in  monarchies  the  priesthood  becomes  a  machine 
of  government,  in  democracies  it  is  the  vehicle  by  which  the  people 
simply  adore  God. 

Those  controversies,  between  the  so  styled  philosophers  of  France  and 
the  clergy,  were  conducted  with  such  hatred  and  obloquy  towards  each 
other,  that  they  elicited  sparks  which  enkindled  that  nation  in  a  dreadful 
flame  of  internal  destruction ;  and  the  brand  has  not  only  communicated 
itself  to  all  Europe,  but  in  general  to  the  world  at  large.  Since  the  time 
of  Julius  Caesar,  nothing  has  occurred  equal  in  barbarity,  irruption,  bloodshed, 
murder,  by  public  or  domestic  treason,  as  that  which  has  happened  in 
Europe,  since  the  year  1789.  Gracious  and  omnipotent  God,  restore  the 
peace  of  the  world  !  !  !] 

Such  is  the  man  who,  upon  his  slight  intercourse  with  the  American 
people,  pluming  himself  with  the  well-earned  celebrity  of  his  political  pieces, 
that  now  presumes  to  become  a  reformer  of  our  morals,  our  religious  opin 
ions  and  thinkings  on  Divine  subjects.  He  himself  a  reprobate,  cloaked  by 
every  vice,  would  dictate  to  a  great  and  independent  Christian  people,  their 
formulary  of  belief.  Such  insolence  and  presumption  was  never  before 


126          Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

shrubbery.     The  monks,  priests  or  what  not,  who   in 
habited   the  house,  must  have  been  few  in   number,  as 


witnessed  unless  it  was  in  the  instance  of  Mahomet,  or  in  those  of  the  im 
postures  (such  as  Sabbati  Sevi),  who  frequently  as  Messias,  appeared  to  de 
ceive  the  remnant  of  the  Jewish  people.  Paine  with  all  his  other  vices  had 
a  foible  injurious  to  our  country.  To  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  people  it 
was  requisite  that  there  should  be  a  series  of  patriotic  publications.  Paine 
was  the  most  indolent  of  men  ;  if  he  was  inspired  by  a  muse,  the 
goddess  most  certainly  made  him  but  few  visits.  The  office  of  secretary 
of  foreign  affairs,  was  conferred  upon  him,  because  of  the  merit  of  his 
Common  Sense,  or  what  are  called  the  Crisis,  under  the  signature  to 
Common  Sense.  It  was  to  him  personally  a  sinecure.  He  never  went 
to  York  (Penn.),  where  congress  then  sat,  but  occasionally,  and  stayed  but 
a  day  or  two.  His  true  employment  was  that  of  a  political  writer.  In 
the  summer  and  winter  of  1777,  and  1778,  he  was  an  inmate  of  my 
father's  house,  as  were  the  late  David  Rittenhouse,  the  state-treasurer,  and 
John  Hart,  a  member  of  the  then  executive  council. 

Paine  would  walk  of  a  morning  until  twelve  o'clock  ;  come  in  and  make 
an  inordinate  dinner.  The  rising  from  table  was  between  two  and  three 
o'clock.  He  would  then  retire  to  his  bed-chamber,  wrap  a  blanket  around 
him,  and  in  a  large  arm-chair,  take  a  nap,  of  two  or  three  hours  —  rise  and 
walk.  These  walks,  and  his  indolence,  surprised  my  parents  5  they  knew 
him  as  the  author  of  Common  Sense,  who  had  written  patriotically,  and 
in  those  writings,  promulged  some  moral  and  religious  ideas,  which  induced 
them  to  believe  he  was  an  orthodox  Christian.  Indeed  Paine,  during  the 
revolution,  was  careful  to  emit  no  irreligious  dogmas,  or  any  of  his  late  dia 
bolic  ideas  ;  if  he  had,  the  good  sense  of  the  American  people,  their  virtue, 
and  unfeigned  worship  of  the  Deity,  would  have,  in  those  days,  banished 
him  from  their  country.  Your  grandfather's  feelings  a  few  months  before 
his  death  (which  occurred  on  the  I5th  of  December,  1786),  when  speak 
ing  of  the  unbeliever  (Paine),  were  truly  poignant;  for  now  the  wretch's 
true  character  had  began  to  open  on  the  world.  He  lamented  with  tears 
that  he  had  ever  admitted  him  into  his  house,  or  had  a  personal  acquaint 
ance  and  intercourse  with  him.  He  was,  from  conviction,  a  sincere  Christ 
ian,  converted  by  the  scriptures;  of  a  strong  mind,  and  of  a  most  tender 
conscience. 

Do  not  permit  anything  now  said,  to  induce  you  to  undervalue  the  saga 
city  of  my  father,  for  he  was  wise ;  but  of  so  benevolent  a  mind,  that  in 
the  common  affairs  of  life  he  held  a  principle  in  morality  as  true,  which 
is  by  no  mean  generally  received  ;  to  wit,  "  That  we  should  consider  every 
one  as  possessing  probity,  until  we  discover  him  to  be  otherwise."  Other 
gentlemen  think  differently.  However,  it  may  well  be  maintained  that 
the  side  my  father  took  on  this  topic,  which  I  have  often  heard  argued, 
accords  with  the  true  spirit  of  the  gospel,  the  other  side  is  stoicism.  From 
these  last  observations,  you  will  readily  perceive  how  easy  it  was  to  impose 
on  my  father.  This  is  the  reason  for  his  entertaining  Paine.  I  have  said 
that  Paine  was  in  indolent.  Take  this  as  an  instance  ;  the  Crisis,  No.  V, 


ampaign  against  gtuevec,  1775.          127 

for  my  part,  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  of  distinct  faces 
came  into  my  view  while  we  staid  here.  We  entered 
by  the  ground  floor  (that  is  by  the  cellar),  the  building 
on  that  side  being  built  on  the  declination  of  the  hill, 
which  in  this  part  of  the  city  is  very  uneven.  The 
apartments  on  our  right,  as  we  entered,  seemed  to  be 
filled  with  governmental  stores,  and  of  provisions  of  all 
kinds.  They  made  us  ascend  a  large  staircase  into  an 
upper  story,  where  we  were  complimented  with  two 
sides,  or  rather  a  part  of  each  of  the  two  sides  of  the 
quadrangle.  The  whole  building  would  have  accomo- 
dated  four  thousand  men.  Monkish  spirit  must  have 


is  but  a  short  political  essay,  to  be  sure  of  great  skill  in  the  composition,  of 
much  eloquent  invective,  strong  reasoning,  some  historic  anecdote,  and  a 
fund  of  ridicule  which  fitted  the  passions  of  the  times.  But  recollect 
that  this  piece,  to  Paine,  was  a  labor  of  three  months  in  the  inditing.  It 
was  written  in  my  father's  house.  Mr.  Rittenhouse  inhabited  the  front 
room,  in  the  upper  story,  where  was  the  library.  There  he  kept  the 
office  of  the  treasury  of  Pennsylvania.  The  room  of  Mr.  Hart  and  Paine, 
was  to  the  left  hand  as  you  come  to  the  stair-head  entering  the  library. 

When  my  wound  in  1778  was  so  far  mended,  that  hobbling  on  crutches, 
or  by  creeping  up  stairs  (as  you  may  have  seen  me  of  late  years  do),  my 
greatest  recreation  in  my  distressed  state  of  mind  was  to  get  into  the  cham 
ber  of  Mr.  Rittenhouse  where  the  books  were.  There,  his  conversation, 
(for  he  was  most  affable),  enlivened  my  mind,  and  the  books  would  so 
amuse  it,  that  it  became  calm,  and  some  desperate  resolutions  were  dis 
solved.  While  that  excellent  man  was  employing  his  hours  in  the  duties 
of  his  office,  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  Paine  would  be  snoring  away  his 
precious  time  in  his  easy  chair,  regardless  of  those  injunctions  imposed  upon 
him  by  congress,  in  relation  to  his  political  compositions.  His  remissness, 
indolence  or  vacuity  of  thought,  caused  great  heart-burning  among  many 
primary  characters  in  those  days.  I  have  heard  the  late  George  Bryan, 
Esq.,  then  vice-president  of  the  council,  speak  of  his  gross  neglects  with 
remarkable  harshness.  I  would  sometimes  go  into  Paine's  room,  and  sit 
with  him.  His  Crisis,  No.  V,  lay  on  his  table,  dusted  ;  to-day  three  or 
four  lines  would  be  added,  in  the  course  of  a  week,  a  dozen  more,  and  so 
on.  No.  V,  is  dated  aist  March,  1778,  but  it  was  not  published  until  some 
months  after  that  date,  and  it  was  generally  thought  by  good  whigs,  that 
it  had  been  too  long  delayed.  For  my  own  part,  I  was  so  passionately  en 
gaged  at  heart,  in  the  principles  of  our  cause,  that  Paine's  manner  of  living 
and  acting,  gave  me  a  high  disgust  towards  him.  No  idea  could  enter  my 
mind,  that  any  one  in  that  noble  struggle  could  be  idle  or  disengaged.  As 
to  myself,  my  sensations  were  such,  that  the  example  of  a  Decius  might 
have  been  renewed. — Henry. 


128          Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775. 

been  in  high  vogue,  when  so  great  a  pile  could  be  erected 
merely  from  the  alms  of  the  people,  and  that  too,  for  so 
egregiously  absurd  a  purpose.  The  ranges  of  the  rooms, 
though  extensive  in  the  length  of  the  galleries,  were 
small  in  their  size,  being  scarcely  more  than  ten  by 
twelve  or  fourteen  feet.  The  galleries  were  about  twelve 
feet  wide  ;  many  rooms  were  comfortable,  others  were 
dilapidated.  Ten  or  a  dozen  of  our  poor  fellows  were 
compressed  into  one  of  these  small  rooms.  So  much 
the  better,  as  it  served  to  keep  them  the  warmer.  Boyd, 
Cunningham  and  a  few  of  our  intimates,  took  possession 
of  a  room  near  a  laree  stove.  The  first  week  we  slept 
most  uncomfortably.  Gracious  God  !  what  did  we  not 
suffer. 

It  was  now  that  we  fully  learnt  the  destinies  of  our 
dear  and  revered  general  and  his  companions  in  death. 
But  allow  me  before  the  detail  of  that  sad  story,  to  give 
you  an  anecdote.  The  merchants  of  Quebec,  like  those 
of  England  and  our  country,  are  a  spirited  and  generous 
sect  in  society  ;  they  applied  to  Governor  Carleton,  and 
obtained  leave  to  make  us  a  "  New  Year's  gift."  This 
turned  out  to  be  no  other  than  a  large  butt  of  porter,  at 
tended  by  a  proporti  nate  quantity  of  bread  and  cheese. 
It  was  a  present  which  exhilerated  our  hearts  and  drew 
from  us  much  thankfulness.  We  shared  more  than  a 
pint  per  man. 

General  Montgomery  had  marched  at  the  precise  time 
stipulated,  and  had  arrived  at  his  destined  place  of  attack, 
nearly  about  the  time  we  attacked  the  first  barrier.  He 
was  not  one  that  would  loiter.  Colonel  Campbell,1  of 
the  New- York  troops,  a  large  good-looking  man,  who 
was  second  in  command  of  that  party,  and  was  deemed 
a  veteran,  accompanied  the  army  to  the  assault  ;  his 
station  was  rearward,  General  Montgomery  with  his 
aids,  were  at  the  point  of  the  column. 


1  This  was  not  my  friend  Col.  Thomas  Campbell  of  York  (Penn.).    He 
was  fighting  the  battles  of  our  country  at  Boston. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  you   a  fair  and  complete  idea 
of  the  nature  and  situation  of  the  place  solely  with  the 
pen,  the  pencil  is   required.      As   by    the  special   per 
mission  of  government,  obtained  by  the  good  offices  of 
Captain  Prentis,  in  the  summer  following,  Boyd,  a  few 
others  and  myself  reviewed  the  causes  of  our    disaster, 
it  is  therefore  in  my  power,  so  far  as  my  abilities  will 
permit,  to  give  you  a  tolerable  notion  of  the  spot.     Cape 
Diamond  nearly  resembles  the  great  jutting  rock  which 
is  in  the  narrows  at  Hunter's  falls,  on  the  Susquehanna. 
The  rock,  at  the  latter  place,  shoots  out  as  steeply  as 
that  at  Quebec,  but  by  no  mean  forms  so  great  an  angle 
on  the  margin  of  the  river  ;  but  is  more  craggy.     There 
is  a  stronger  and   more  obvious  difference  in  the  com 
parison.     When  you  surmount  the  hill  at  St.   Charles, 
or  the  St.  Lawrence  side,  which,  to  the  eye  are  equally 
high  and  steep,  you  find  on  Abraham's  plains,  and  upon 
an  extensive  champaign  country.     The  birds-eye  view 
around  Quebec  bears  a  striking  conformity  to  the  sites 
of  Northumberland  and  Pittsburg,  in  Pennsylvania  ;  but 
the  former  is  on  a  more  gigantic  scale,  and  each  of  the 
latter  want   the  steepness   and  craggyness  of  the  back 
ground,  and  a  depth  of  rivers.     This  detail  is  to  instruct 
you  in  the  geographical  situation  of  Quebec,  and  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  explaining  the  manner  of  General  Mont 
gomery's  death,  and  the  reasons  of  our  failure.      From 
Wolf's  cove  there  is  a  good  beach  down  to,  and  around 
u  Cape  Diamond."     The  bulwarks  of  the  city    came  to 
the  edge  of  the  hill  above  that  place.     Thence  down 
the  side  of  the  precipice  slantingly  to  the  brink  of  the 
river   there  was  a   stockade   of  strong   posts,  fifteen  or 
twenty    feet  high,   knit   together   by  a  stout   railing  at 
bottom  and  top  with  pins.     This  was  no  mean  defence, 
and  was  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  yards  from  the 
point  of  the  rock.      Within  this  palisade,  and  at  a  few 
yards  from  the  very  point  itself,  there  was  a  like  palisade, 
though  it  did  not  run  so  high  up  the  hill.     Again,  within 
Cape  Diamond,  and  probably  at  a  distance  of  fifty  yards, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

there  stood  a  block-house,  which  seemed  to  take  up  the 
space  between  the  foot  of  the  hill  and  the  precipitous 
bank  of  the  river  leaving  a  cart  way  or  passage  on  each 
side  of  it.  When  heights  and  distances  are  spoken  of 
you  must  recollect  that  the  description  of  Cape  Diamond 
and  its  vicinity  is  merely  that  of  the  eye,  made  as  it  were 
running,  under  the  inspection  of  an  officer.  The  review 
of  the  ground  our  army  had  acted  upon  was  accorded  us 
as  a  particular  favor.  Even  to  have  stepped  the  spaces  in 
a  formal  manner  would  have  been  dishonorable  if  not  a 
species  of  treason.  A  block-house  if  well  constructed, 
is  an  admirable  method  of  defence  which  in  the  process 
of  the  war  to  our  cost  was  fully  experienced.  In  the 
instance  now  before  us  (though  the  house  was  not  built 
upon  the  most  approved  principles),  yet  it  was  a  formida 
ble  object.  It  was  a  square  of  perhaps  forty  or  fifty 
feet.  The  large  logs  neatly  squared  were  tightly  bound 
together  by  dove-tail  work.  If  not  much  mistaken  the 
lower  story  contained  loop-holes  for  musketry,  so  narrow 
that  those  within  could  not  be  harmed  from  without. 
The  upper  story  had  four  or  more  port  holes  for  cannon 
of  a  large  calibre.  These  guns  were  charged  with  grape 
or  canister  shot,  and  were  pointed  with  exactness  towards 
the  avenue  at  Cape  Diamond.  The  hero  Montgomery 
came.  The  drowsy  or  drunken  guard  did  not  hear  the 
sawing  of  the  posts  of  the  first  palisade.  Here,  if  not 
very  erroneous,  four  posts  were  sawed  and  thrown  aside 
so  as  to  admit  four  men  abreast.  The  column  entered 
with  a  manly  fortitude.  Montgomery,  accompanied  by 
his  aids,  M'Pherson  and  Cheeseman,  advanced  in  front. 
Arriving  at  the  second  palisade,  the  general  with  his  own 
bands  sawed  down  two  of  the  pickets,  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  admit  two  men  abreast.  These  sawed  pickets 
were  close  under  the  hill  and  but  a  few  yards  from  the 
very  point  of  the  rock  out  of  the  view  and  fire  of  the 
enemy  from  the  block-house.  Until  our  troops  advanced 
to  the  point,  no  harm  could  ensue  but  by  stones  thrown 
from  above.  Even  now,  there  had  been  but  an  imper- 


Campaign  against  £)ue bee,  1775.          131 

feet  discovery  of  the  advancing  of  an  enemy,  and  that 
only  by  the  intoxicated  guard.  The  guard  fled,  the 
general  advanced  a  few  paces.  A  drunken  sailor  re 
turned  to  his  gun,  swearing  he  would  not  forsake  it  while 
undischarged.  This  fact  is  related  from  the  testimony 
of  the  guard  on  the  morning  of  our  capture,  some  of 
those  sailors  being  our  guard.  Applying  the  match,  this 
single  discharge  deprived  us  of  our  excellent  commander.1 

Examining  the  spot,  the  officer  who  escorted  us,  pro 
fessing  to  be  one  of  those  who  first  came  to  the  place, 
after  the  death  of  the  general,  showed  the  position  in 
which  the  general's  body  was  found.  It  lay  two  paces, 
from  the  brink  of  the  river,  on  the  back,  the  arms  ex 
tended —  Cheeseman  lay  on  the  left,  and  M'Pherson  on 
the  right,  in  a  triangular  position.  Two  other  brave 
men  lay  near  them.  The  ground  above  described,  was 
visited  by  an  inquisitive  eye,  so  that  you  may  rely  with 
some  implicitness  on  the  truth  of  the  picture.  As  all 
danger  from  without  had  vanished,  the  government  had 
not  only  permitted  the  mutilated  palisades  to  remain, 
without  renewing  the  enclosure,  but  the  very  sticks, 
sawed  by  the  hand  of  our  commander,  still  lay  strewed 
about  the  spot. 

Colonel  Campbell,  appalled  by  the  death  of  the  gene 
ral,  retreated  a  little  way  from  Cape  Diamond,  out  of 
the  reach  of  the  cannon  of  the  block  house,  and  pre- 
tendedly  called  a  council  of  officers,  who,  it  was  said, 
justified  his  receding  from  the  attack.  If  rushing  on,  as 
military  duty  required,  and  a  brave  man  would  have  done, 
the  block-house  might  have  been  occupied  by  a  small 
number,  and  was  unassailable  from  without,  but  by  can 
non.  From  the  block-house  to  the  centre  of  the  lower 
town,  where  we  were,  there  was  no  obstacle  to  impede 
a  force  so  powerful  as  that  under  Colonel  Campbell. 


1 1  have  related  this  as  I  received  it  —  from  my  own  knowledge,  I  can 
say  nothing  —  I  leave  to  the  world  to  determine  the  credibility  the  story  is 
entitled  to. —  Hznry. 


132          Campaign  against  Quebec y  1775. 

Cowardice,  or  a  want  of  good  will  towards  our  cause, 
left  us  to  our  miserable  fate.  A  junction,  though  we 
might  not  conquer  the  fortress,  would  enable  us  to  make 
an  honorable  retreat,  though  with  the  loss  of  many  valu 
able  lives.  Campbell,  who  was  ever  after  considered  as 
a  poltroon  in  grain,  retreated,  leaving  the  bodies  of  the 
general,  M'Pherson  and  Cheeseman,  to  be  devoured  by 
the  dogs.  The  disgust  caused  among  us,  as  to  Camp 
bell,  was  so  great  as  to  create  the  unchristian  wish  that 
he  might  be  hanged.  In  that  desultory  period,  though 
he  was  tried,  he  was  acquitted  ;  that  was  also  the  case 
of  Colonel  Enos,  who  deserted  us  on  the  Kennebec. 
There  never  were  two  men  more  worthy  of  punishment 
of  the  most  exemplary  kind. 

On  the  third  or  fourth  of  January,  being  as  it  were 
domesticated  in  the  sergeant's  mess,  in  the  reguliers,  a 
file  of  men  headed  by  an  officer,  called  to  conduct  me 
to  the  seminary.  Adhering  to  the  advice  of  Colonel 
M'Dougal,  the  invitation  was  declined,  though  the  hero 
Morgan  had  solicited  this  grace  from  Governor  Carleton, 
and  had  sent  me  a  kind  and  pressing  message.  My  rea 
sons,  which  were  explained  to  Morgan,  in  addition  to 
the  one  already  given,  operated  forcibly  on  my  mind. 
Having  lost  all  my  clothes  in  the  wilderness,  except 
those  on  my  back,  and  those  acquired  by  the  provident 
and  gratuitous  spirit  of  General  Montgomery,  having 
remained  at  our  quarters,  and  become  a  prey  to  the 
women  and  invalids  of  the  army  ;  nothing  remained 
fitting  me  to  appear  in  company  anywhere.  Additionally, 
it  had  become  a  resolution,  when  leaving  Lancaster,  as 
my  absence  would  go  near  to  break  the  hearts  of  my 
parents,  never  to  break  upon  my  worthy  father's  purse. 
Dire  necessity  compelled  me  to  rescind  this  resolution 
in  part,  in  the  wilderness,  but  that  circumstance  made 
me  the  more  determined  to  adhere  to  the  resolve  after 
wards.  Again,  my  intimate  friends  were  not  in  the 
seminary.  Steele  was  in  the  hospital,  and  Simpson,  by 
previous  command,  on  the  charm-ng  Isle  of  Orleans, 


'Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.  133 

which,  from  its  fruitfulness  had  become,  as  it  were,  our 
store-house.1  Add  to  all  these  reasons  ;  it  could  not 
be  said  of  the  gentlemen  in  the  seminary  "they  are  my 
intimates,"  except  as  to  Captain  Morgan,  and  Lieutenant 
F.  Nichols  of  Hendrick's.  Besides  mv  leather  small- 


1  In  former  times,  as  now,  lying  was  in  vogue,  but  methinks  within  the 
last  thirty  years  there  has  been  vast  improvements  in  the  art.  Receive 
information  of  two  instances,  which  were  somewhat  remarkable  in  those 
days.  Simpson,  one  of  the  most  spirited  and  active  of  officers  —  always 
alert  —  always  on  duty,  was  traduced  and  vilified  for  a  want  of  courage,  be 
cause  he  was  not  taken  a  prisoner  at  (Quebec.  This  small  canton  (Paxton), 
was  bursting  with  the  falsehoods  propagated  on  this  subject.  On  the  other 
hand.  Captain  M.  Smith,  our  commander,  was  applauded  for  his  immense 
bravery  shown  in  the  attack  of  that  place,  when  in  fact,  he  was  on  the 
isle  of  Orleans,  many  miles  distant  from  the  city.  Simpson  had  been 
commanded  to  that  place  by  a  regular  order  f; om  Colonel  Arnold.  Captain 
Smith  skulked  thither  illicitly.  Here  is  a  fac-simile,  as  to  orthography  of 
Arnold's  order  to  Lieut.  Simpson,  which  I  took  from  the  original  now  in 
his  possession.  On  my  part,  it  seems  to  be  a  duty  to  make  it  known  to 
you  in  justification  of  an  excellent  patriot,  one  of  my  friends  from  early 
youth. 
"  LIEUT  SIMPSON, 

"SiR  :  —  You  are  to  proceed  to  Orleans,  and  take  charge  of  the  men  there, 
and  keep  all  provisions  from  going  to  town  ;  you  will  be  assiduous  in  gain 
ing  the  esteem  of  the  inhabitants,  who  are  now  complaining  that  they  have 
been  treated  in  a  rigorous  manner  j  for  provisions  or  assistance  you  receive 
from  them,  you  will  pay  them  the  value,  or  give  orders  on  me  for  the 
same.  I  make  no  doubt  but  you  will  endeavor  to  cultivate  the  friend 
ship  of  the  people  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  your  duty.  You  will  be  care 
ful  to  keep  y<  ur  men  under  strict  discipline,  and  not  suffer  them  to  have 
too  much  liquor.  I  am  told  there  has  been  open  house  kept  there.  You 
will  use  as  much  economy  as  is  consistent  with  our  circumstances. 
"  I  am,  Sir,  Your  humble  servant, 

"  B.  ARNOLD,  Col." 

"  December  29,  1775." 

[This  rigor  was  administered  by  a  William  Cross,  our  third  lieutenant, 
with  as  free  a  hand  as  he  was  lax  in  his  principles  of  morality.  Cross  was 
a  handsome  little  Irishman,  always  neatly  dressed,  and  commanded  a  detach 
ment  of  about  twenty  men.  The  Canadian  gentlemen  who  came  as  agents 
from  the  islanders  on  this  occasion,  stated  that  Cross  had  extorted  from 
them  their  wines  and  other  liquors,  and  all  kinds  of  provisions,  which  he 
lavished  on  worthless  people  j  making  no  compensation  for  his  exactions. 
This  was  rigor  indeed  !  for  the  people  of  the  isle  were  our  friends.  In 
short,  this  unworthy  officer  kept  "  open  house,"  and  had  a  short,  but  a 
luxurious  and  merry  reign  over  that  charming  spot.  He  was  not  with  us 
at  the  attack  of  the  city,  but  gaily  danced  his  way  to  quarters.] 

12 


134  Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

clothes,  all  in  fritters,  had  been  cast  away,  and  a  savage 
covering  adopted,  until  more  auspicious  times  came.  But 
even  now,  an  idea  of  escape  and  vengeance  inflamed  the 
breasts  of  many,  and  we  were  here  in  a  much  superior 
situation  for  such  a  purpose,  than  that  of  the  seminary. 
More  of  this  hereafter.  All  these  facts  and  circum 
stances,  induced  an  evasion  of  the  friendly  solicitation 
of  the  kind-hearted  Morgan. 

On  the  third  day  of  our  capture,  the  generous  Carle- 
ton  despatched  a  flag  to  Arnold,  to  obtain  what  trifling 
baggage  we  had  left  at  our  quarters  ;  mine  was  either 
forgotten,  or  miserable  as  it  was,  had  been  plundered  ; 
but  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  the  knapsack  of  one 
Alexander  Nelson  of  our  company,  who  was  killed  when 
running  to  the  first  barrier,  was  disclaimed  by  all  of  our 
men.  Your  father  in  consequence,  laid  violent  hands 
upon  the  spoil.  It  furnished  Boyd  and  myself,  with  a 
large,  but  course  blue  blanket,  called  a  stroud  and 
a  drummer's  regimental  coat.  The  blanket  became  a 
real  comfort,  the  coat  an  article  of  barter.  It  was  on 
this  day  that  my  heart  was  ready  to  burst  with  grief,  at 
viewing  the  funeral  of  our  beloved  general.  Carleton 
had,  in  our  former  wars  with  the  French,  been  the  friend 
and  fellow-soldier  of  Montgomery .  Though  political  opin 
ion,  perhaps  ambition  or  interest,  had  thrown  these 
worthies  on  different  sides  of  the  great  question,  yet  the 
former  could  not  but  honor  the  remains  of  his  quondam 
friend.  About  noon,  the  procession  passed  our  quarters. 
It  was  most  solemn.  The  coffin  covered  with  a  pall, 
surmounted  by  transverse  swords —  was  borne  by  men. 


Smith  wrote,  but  Simpson  acted.  A  letter  from  Smith  to  a  worthy  and 
patriotic  clergyman,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Elder,  of  Paxton,  which  was  filled  with 
bombast  and  trash,  and  stuffed  with  the  most  flagrant  untruths  ;  that  he 
was  in  the  "  midst  of  the  battle,  covered  by  smoke  j  bullets  of  all  sizes 
playing  around  him,  etc,  etc.,"  every  word  of  which  was  fabulous.  This 
person  was  among  the  last  of  those  savage  men  who  murdered  the  inno 
cent  and  unoffending  Indians  in  the  jail  of  the  town  we  now  live  in.  They 
have  all  died  miserably;  but  a  few  remaining  to  relate  the  anecdote  of  the 
occurrence  of  that  horrible  massacre.  — Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.  135 

The  regular  troops,  particularly  that  fine  body  of  men, 
the  seventh  regiment,  with  reversed  arms,  and  scarfs  on 
the  left  elbow,  accompanied  the  corpse  to  the  grave. 
The  funerals  of  the  other  officers,  both  friends  and 
enemies,  were  performed  this  day.  From  many  of  us 
it  drew  tears  of  affection  for  the  defunct,  and  speaking 
for  myself,  tears  of  greeting  and  thankfulness,  towards 
General  Carleton.  The  soldiery  and  inhabitants  ap 
peared  affected  by  the  loss  of  this  invaluable  man,  though 
he  was  their  enemy.  If  such  men  as  Washington, 
Carleton  and  Montgomery,  had  had  the  entire  direction 
of  theadverse  war,  the  contention  in  the  event  might  have 
happily  terminated  to  the  advantage  of  both  sections  of 
the  nation.  M'Pherson,  Cheeseman,  Hendricks,  Humph 
reys,  were  all  dignified  by  the  manner  of  burial. 

On  the  same,  or  the  following  day,  we  were  com 
pelled  (if  we  would  look),  to  a  more  disgusting  and 
torturing  sight.  Many  carioles,  repeatedly  one  after  the 
others,  passed  our  dwelling  loaded  with  the  dead,  whether 
of  the  assailants  or  of  the  garrison,  to  a  place,  emphat 
ically  called  the  dead-house.  Here  the  bodies  were 
heaped  in  monstrous  piles.  The  horror  of  the  sight  to 
us  southern  men,  principally  consisted  in  seeing  our  com 
panions  borne  to  interment  uncoffined,  and  in  the  very 
clothes  they  had  worn  in  battle  ;  their  limbs  distorted  in 
various  directions,  such  as  would  ensue  in  the  moment 
of  death.  Many  of  our  friends  and  acquaintances  were 
apparent.  Poor  Nelson  lay  on  the  top  of  half  a  dozen 
other  bodies —  his  arms  extended  beyond  his  head,  as  if 
in  the  act  of  prayer,  and  one  knee  crooked  and  raised, 
seemingly,  when  he  last  gasped  in  the  agonies  of  death. 
Curse  on  these  civil  wars  which  extinguish  the  sociabili 
ties  of  mankind,  and  annihilate  the  strength  of  nations. 
A  flood  of  tears  was  consequent.  Though  Montgomery 
was  beloved  because  of  his  manliness  of  soul,  heroic 
bravery  and  suavity  of  manners  ;  Hendricks  and  Hum 
phreys,  for  the  same  admirable  qualities,  and  especially 
for  the  endurances  we  underwent  in  conjunction,  which 


136  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

enforced  many  a  tear  ;  still  my  unhappy  and  lost  brethren, 
though  in  humble  station,  with  whom  that  dreadful  wild 
was  penetrated,  and  from  whom  cam;  many  attentions 
towards  me,  forced  melancholy  sensations.  From 
what  is  said  relative  to  the  dead-house  you  might  con 
clude  that  General  Carleton  was  inhumane  or  hard 
hearted.  No  such  thing.  In  this  northern  latitude,  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  according  to  my  feelings  (we 
had  no  thermometer),  the  weather  was  so  cold,  as  usually 
to  be  many  degrees  below  zero.  A  wound,  if  mortal, 
on  even  otherwise,  casts  the  party  wounded  in  the  snow  ,• 
if  death  should  follow,  it  throws  the  sufferer  into  various 
attitudes,  which  was  assumed  in  the  extreme  pain  accom 
panying  death.  The  moment  death  takes  place,  the 
frost  fixes  the  limbs  in  whatever  situation  they  may  then 
happen  to  be,  and  which  cannot  be  reduced  to  decent 
order,  until  they  are  thawed.  In  this  state,  the  bodies 
of  the  slain  are  deposited  in  the  dead-house  hard  as 
ice.  At  this  season  of  the  year,  the  earth  is  frozen  from 
two  to  five  feet  deep,  impenetrable  to  the  best  pick-axe, 
in  the  hands  of  the  stoutest  man.  Hence  you  may  per 
ceive  a  justification  of  the  dead-home.  It  is  no  new 
observation,  that  "  climates  form  the  manners  and  habit 
udes  of  the  people." 

January  4th,  on  the  next  day,  we  were  visited  by 
Colonel  Maclean,  an  old  man,  attended  by  other  officers, 
for  a  peculiar  purpose,  that  is,  to  ascertain  who  among 
us  were  born  in  Europe.  We  had  many  Irishmen,  and 
some  Englishmen.  The  question  was  put  to  each  ; 
those  who  admitted  a  British  birth,  were  told  they  must 
serve  his  majesty  in  Colonel  Maclean's  regiment,  a  new 
corps,  called  the  emigrants.  Our  poor  fellows,  under 
the  fearful  penalty  of  being  carried  to  Britain,  there  to  be 
tried  for  treason,  were  compelled  by  necessity,  and  many 
of  them  did  enlist.  Two  of  them,  very  brave  men,  Ed 
ward  Cavenaugh  and  Timothy  Conner,  deserve  to  be 
named,  because  of  a  particular  occurrence  which  hap 
pened  shortly  afterwards.  These  two  men,  among 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.  137 

others,  called  upon  me  for  my  advice  how  to  act.  Being, 
at  that  time,  neither  a  lawyer  nor  a  casuist,  they  had  my 
opinion  according  to  the  dictates  of  nature,  and  some 
slight  reading.  That  is,  that  they  should  enlist,  for  a 
constrained  oath,  as  theirs  would  be,  could  not  be  bind 
ing  on  the  conscience  :  and  by  all  means  to  join  our 
army  as  soon  as  practicable.  They  enlisted  under  the 
notion  that  the  oath  was  non-obligatory,  and  a  hope  of 
a  speedy  return  to  their  sweet-hearts  and  wives.  Allow 
me  here  to  recount,  by  anticipation,  the  residue  of  the 
adventures  of  "  honest  Ned."  It  is  due  to  him,  for  he 
saved  my  life,  and  that  of  Simpson,  on  the  Dead  river. 
Towards  the  end  of  January,  Cavenaugh  and  Conner 
happened  to  compose  a  part  of  the  same  guard  at  palace 
gate,  where  the  walls  are  from  thirty  to  forty  feet  high, 
independently  of  the  declivity  of  the  hill.  Cavenaugh 
was  stationed  as  a  sentry  in  conjunction  with  one  of  the 
British  party.  Conner  had  procured  a  bottle  of  rum  ; 
coming  to  the  station,  he  drank  himself,  and  presented 
the  bottle  to  the  British  sentry.  While  the  latter  was 
in  the  act  of  drinking,  Cavenaugh  gave  him  a  push  with 
the  butt  of  his  musket,  which  stunned  and  brought  him 
to  the  earth.  Taking  his  arms,  they  sprung  over  the 
wall  into  a  bed  of  snow,  perhaps  twenty-five  feet  deep. 
This  averment  concerning  the  depth  of  the  snow,  may 
appear  problematical,  as  we  know  nothing  like  it  in  our 
climate.  Form  no  definitive  opinion  until  you  have 
heard  the  reasons  why  it  does  happen.  As  you  may  re 
collect  several  instances  in  this  memoir,  where  the 
asperity  of  a  Quebec  winter  is  intimated,  and  a  descrip 
tion  of  its  effects  attempted — such  as  frequent  snow 
storms  and  fierce  winds.  In  the  month  of  January, 
particularly,  when  the  snow  has  increased  to  a  depth  of 
seven  feet  over  the  face  of  the  country,  notwithstanding 
the  shining  of  the  sun,  the  cold  is  so  great,  that  those 
winds  drive  the  snow  daily  against  the  high  ramparts  of 
the  city,  where  it  forms  a  compact  mass  —  the  last 
stratum  being  light  and  dry,  as  the  finest  sand,  which 


138  Campaign  against  gfuebec,,  1775. 

may  be  whirled  by  the  wind.  Cavenaugh  and  Conner 
leaped  mid-deep  into  such  a  soft  bed.  Their  disadvan 
tage  consisted  in  sinking  too  deep  ;  the  height  of  the 
leap,  plunging  them  deeper  than  ordinary  walking  would 
do,  made  it  difficult  for  them  to  extricate  themselves. 
The  relief  guard  came  in  time  to  give  them  a  volley,  as 
they  were  scampering  away.  Thanks  to  God,  my  worthy 
Irishmen  escaped  unharmed,  though  as  they  passed 
through  St.  Roque,  they  were  complimented  by  several 
discharges  of  cannister  and  grape  shot.  This  was  the 
first  notice  we  had  of  the  escape  of  our  daring  friends. 
We  heard  next  morning,  all  the  minutiae  from  those  who 
guarded  us.  Cavenaugh  is  still  alive  —  is  laborious,  and 
has  a  large  family  of  children,  who  are  respectable  in 
their  way.  You  cannot  conceive  the  joyousness  of  my 
heart,  when  hearing  of  him  in  my  peregrinations  a  few 
years  since,  in  the  mountainous  parts  of  York  county. 
The  pittance  then  spared  him,  it  is  hoped,  will  make  you 
never  the  poorer.  The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  have 
granted  him  a  pension  for  which  that  honorable  body 
have  my  most  fervent  blessings.  Old  age  and  decrepi 
tude,  by  the  extremity  of  our  sufferings,  is  brought  upon 
us  long  before  the  ordinary  allotments  of  nature.  We 
served  our  country  faithfully,  and  at  this  late  day  it  is 
really  pleasant  to  observe  the  spirit  of  the  public,  inclined 
to  compensate  the  veterans  of  1775  and  1776.  So  much 
for  my  preserver  "  honest  Ned,"  which  epithet  he  still 
bears  among  his  neighbors,  by  whom,  bating  a  venial 
vice,  he  is  esteemed.  Timothy  Conner,  on  the  con 
trary,  possessing  the  art  of  acquiring  wealth,  married, 
had  a  competency,  but  lost  it  subsequently  by  his  vices, 
which  bore  a  strong  affinity  to  gross  criminality. 

By  the  middle  of  January,  we  were  settled  down  into 
a  state  something  like  household  order  :  those  who  could 
economize,  fared  tolerably  well,  though  they  could  have 
used  more.  Our  daily  provision  consisted  of  a  biscuit 
made  of  a  coarse  meal,  from  something  like  our  chopped 
rye  ;  very  often  chaff  or  straw,  half  an  inch  in  length, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  139 

was  found  in  this  species  of  bread.  A  biscuit  of  the 
size  of  a  cake  of  gingerbread,  now  sold  with  us  for  a 
cent,  was  the  daily  allowance  of  this  article  ;  half  a  pound 
of  pork,  or  three-quarters  of  a  pound  of  beef,  though 
these  were  much  salted,  even  so  as  to  be  uncomforta 
ble —  they  were  of  Irish  preparation,  perhaps  for  the 
sea-service:  a  competent  allowance  of  butter,  originally 
fine,  yet  now  rancid  ;  candles,  molasses,  and  even 
vinegar  :  this  last  article,  so  long  as  it  could  be  afforded 
us,  was  a  preservative  from  the  disorders  which  un 
wittingly  we  were  imbibing  daily.  Knowing  the  diffi 
culties  under  which  the  garrison  lay — foes  at  the  gates, 
and  an  uncertainty  of  succor  ;  the  governor  was  thought 
of  by  me,  with  similar  allowances,  that  ought  to  be 
made  to  our  own  generals,  in  circumstances  of  such 
pinching  necessity.  From  all  information  attainable  on 
our  part,  we  were  as  well  treated  as  those  of  the  garrison, 
who  lived  on  the  same  kinds  of  food,  except  as  to  liquor, 
which  deprivation  was  more  beneficial  than  injurious  to 
our  men  It  is  grateful  to  my  heart,  now  to  remember 
and  repeat,  the  benevolent  sensations  this  mildness  and 
humanity  created  in  my  mind,  towards  the  virtuous,  the 
amiable  and  venerable  Carleton.  He  was  a  genuine 
representative  of  the  gentility  of  the  Irish  nation,  which 
is  so  deservedly  famous  for  the  production  of  real  heroes, 
patriotic  statesmen,  and  a  generosity  and  suavity  of 
manners.  He  was  of  great  candor,  uprightness  and 
honor,  and  full  of  the  spirit  of  philanthropy,  which  marks 
the  real  gentleman.  He  made  us  several  visits,  in  all 
of  which  he  seemed  merely  to  have  a  solicitude  for  our 
welfare,  without  any  sinister  view,  such  as  a  seduction 
from  our  principles,  etc.  That  he  granted  us  every 
accommodation  his  trying  situation  authorized,  there 
can  be  no  doubt.  Shortly  after  the  time  now  spoken  of, 
we  were  conducted  to  the  Dauphin  jail.  Before  we  quit 
the  Reguliers,  admit  me  to  state  to  you  something  more, 
relating  to  our  manner  of  living  there.  My  youthful 
appetite  required  and  demanded  a  greater  quantity  of 


140  Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

food  than  we  then  enjoyed.  We  wanted  spoons,  not 
only  in  our  own  mess,  but  throughout  the  whole  corps. 
There  was  no  money  among  us  to  purchase  such  an 
implement,  and  if  there  had  been,  and  opportunity  had 
offered,  it  is  likely  the  jealousy  of  government  would 
have  deprived  us  of  them,  if  formed  of  metal  of  any 
kind. 

One  day  being  at  the  unloading  a  cord  of  wood,  a 
birch  stick,  the  only  piece  of  hard  wood  in  the  load,  was 
eagerly  laid  hold  of,  and  borne  to  the  mess-room  ;  from 
this,  a  wooden  spoon  was  soon  formed  for  my  own  use. 
Lobscouse  made  a  part  of  our  diurnal  food.  This  term, 
though  vulgar,  conveys  to  one,  who,  when  hungry,  has 
tasted  the  dish,  some  agreeable  ideas.  Among  soldiers 
and  sailors,  it  is  esteemed  equal  to  the  olla  podrida 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  nearly  so  to  the  speck  and  oyer I 
of  the  Germans  ;  it  is  certainly  more  nourishing  than 
what  the  latter  call  water  soup,  and  even  meal 
soup.  We  put  our  vile  biscuit  into  a  tin  vessel,  with 
a  sufficient  quantity  of  water,  and  permitted  it  to  stew 
on  the  stove,  until  there  was  a  perfect  mucilage,  some 
thin  slices  of  bacon  fat  (the  reserve  of  the  last  meal), 
were  then  added  ;  or  some  of  the  skimmings  of  the 
boilers,  but  most  usually  the  rancid  butter  (which  was 
thus  made  palatable) :  when  these  substances  were  well 
incorporated  with  the  biscuit;  a  few  spoon-fulls  of 
molasses  finished  the  dish.  This  was  the  ordinary 
breakfast,  and  a  good  one,  when  we  could  spoon  it  into 
our  mouths.  My  spoon  therefore,  was  an  article  in  great 
demand,  and  of  prime  necessity.  The  production  of  one 
spoon,  created  a  desire  for  more  ;  they  were  manu 
factured  in  abundance,  by  the  means  of  two  knives  — 
a  great  and  a  small,  but  always  disposed  of  for  biscuit. 
Spoons  were  made  as  large  as  small  ladles,  some  with  a 
deer  at  full  stretch,  a  hound  pursuing  —  an  Indian 
sitting — a  beaver  —  and  twenty  other  devices  were  in- 

1  Spek  en  eijeren,  ham  and  eggs,  or  eggs  and  bacon. —  M. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.          141 

vented,  and  tolerably  well  carved.      Some  came   to  five 
biscuits,  some  to   ten,  and   one  in  particular  at  twenty, 
which  my  friends    thought  worthy  of  the  acceptance  of 
the  governor,   but   care    was   taken   not    to   present   it. 
Boyd  and    Cunningham   carefully   furnished   the   wood. 
Thus  we   could  exist   pretty  well  on  our  slender   diet. 
But  we  had  other  resources,  which  were  by  no   means 
neglected.     Henry    Crone,    a    well    bred   young    man, 
descended  from  a  worthy  and  respectable  family  of  York 
county,  Pennsylvania,  much   my    senior,  but   who   was 
known  to  me  during  his  apprenticeship  at  Lancaster,  had 
dissipated  a  good  fortune  at  the  gaming-tables  ;   he  was 
a  sergeant  of  Hendricks'.     Miserable  as  was  our  predica 
ment,  the  demon  of  play  had    intruded  itself  among  us, 
though   there  was  neither   money  nor  clothing  but  that 
upon  our  backs,  and  our  daily  provisions  to  sport  with. 
The   play  was  for  biscuit,  and  most  usually  at  a   game 
called    all-fours,    in    which    Crone    was    a    real    adept. 
He  was  a  droll  dog,  and  much  inclined  to  play  with  and 
beat  the  Yankees,  as  he  termed  them.  ^  Many  mornings, 
being  compelled  by  the   inclemency   of  the   season  to 
leave  our  uncomfortable  beds,  pacing  the  avenues  in  front 
of  our  cells  for  exercise  and  warmth,  drawing  aside  the 
curtain  of  the  gambling  room  door,  which  was  no  other 
than  a  thread-bare  blanket,  Crone  was  seen  and   heard, 
with  bleared  eyes  and  a  vociferous  voice,  after  a  night's 
sitting,  contending  for  a  biscuit,  with  as  much  spirit  and 
heat,  as  most  probably  he  had  done  in  former  times  for 
fiftv  or  a   hundred  dollars.      The   passion  of  gaming,  is 
almost  an  inexplicable  trait  in  the  human  character,  the 
poor,  the  rich,  the  savage  and  the  civilized,  are  equally 
its    devotees.       The   greatest    and    the   least  are   alike 
subject  to  its    fascinations.      Crone,  poor   dog,   was  one 
of  the  devoted. 

Montgomery,  in  his  care  for  Arnold's  party,  besides 
an  excellent  blanket  coat,  had  assigned  to  each  man  a 
new  red  regimental  coat  of  the  seventh,  or  some  other 
regiment,  stationed  in  the  upper  country.  This  clothing 


142  Campaign  against  SHiebec^  1775. 

had  been  seized  at  Montreal.  Crone,  in  the  division,  had 
fared  well.  He  had  obtained  a  large  superfine  broad 
cloth  coat,  such  as  is  worn  by  the  sergeant-major  of  the 
British  army,  which  u  fitted  him  like  a  shirt."  He  was 
so  totally  devoid  of  care,  that  he  never  once  applied  to 
the  tailors  of  the  army,  who  were  employed  by  the  pub 
lic,  to  fit  the  coat  to  his  back,  and  to  sew  it  regularly. 
What  was  still  more  laughable,  he  had  no  pockets  to 
this  coat,  unless  you  may  call  the  flannel  such,  which 
interiorly  lined  the  lappets,  and  bore  the  appearance  of 
large  bags  dangling  about  his  heels.  Crone  was  facetious 
and  clever  ;  he  had  an  affection  for  me.  Often  about 
daylight  he  would  come  to  my  blanket  and  waken  me,  and 
shake  the  lappets  of  his  coat.  He  would  say  tc  Damme 
Jack,  here's  something  for  you,"  and  would  force  upon 
me  ten,  fifteen,  and  several  times,  even  thirty  biscuits. 
With  all  his  vices  he  bore  a  great  share  of  my  esteem, 
for  the  goodness  of  his  heart.  When  ill-luck  occurred, 
there  was  a  refunding  on  my  part,  but  it  seldom  hap 
pened.  Our  other  resource  was  William  M'Coy,  a 
sergeant  of  Hendricks'  an  excellent  clerk,  who  came 
into  favor  of  the  governor,  by  giving  to  Major  Murray, 
of  the  garrison,  a  genuine  copy  of  his  journal  of  the  route 
through  the  wilderness  into  Canada.  He  was  a  sedate 
and  sensible  man.  He  was  installed  clerk  of  the 
kitchen,  and  put  me  much  in  mind  of  Gil  Bias'  clerk. 
The  cook,  whom  M'Coy  patronized  was  a  very  Boni 
face  in  accomplishments  and  a  Sancho  Panza  in  rotundity. 
He  was  of  Thayer's  or  Dearborn's  company.  Believe 
me  that  these  two  men  were  courted  by  our  hungry 
wights  among  the  soldiery,  with  as  much  eagerness  and 
solicitude,  and  often  sycophancy,  as  would  have  been 
the  case  had  they  been  the  ministers  of  a  great  state. 
What  could  you  suppose  to  be  the  object  of  such  ser 
vility  ?  To  explain  —  the  boiling  utensils  were  two 
very  large  coppers.  A  boiling  of  pork,  produced  a  great 
quantity  of  liquid  fat,  which  the  men  called  slush.  The 
skimmings  constituted  the  importance  of  the  cook,  who 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.  143 

made  a  profit  from  it  by  selling  it  to  certain  tradesmen 
of  the  city.  A  half  pint  of  this  slush  was  a  good  succe- 
daneum  for  better  food,  to  a  mess  of  six  stout  men. 
It,  with  the  molasses,  formed  an  excellent  lobscouse. 
Oleaginous  matter,  next  to  bread,  is,  however,  the 
great  support  of  the  animal  functions,  and  even  su 
perior  to  bread,  to  sustain  life,  and  gratify  the  palate. 
Here  you  see  the  real  ground  of  the  causes  of  distinctions 
in  society.  The  cook  possessing  this  perquisite,  com 
manded  his  applicants  for  additional  food,  with  an  un 
warrantable  austerity.  As  to  our  mess,  it  was  strong  in 
habits  of  intimacy  with  M'Coy,  who  was  one  of  us.  The 
cook  was  far  below  our  notice.  Friend  M'Coy  gave 
us  every  advantage  our  melancholy  situation  afforded 
him.  This  minute  information  is  given  to  you,  to  in 
spire  you  with  a  disgust  towards  war  of  any  kind.  As 
to  my  sons,  if  the  liberties  of  our  country  ever  be  invaded, 
it  is  humbly  hoped,  under  the  protecting  hand  of  Provi 
dence,  that  they  will  always  be  ready  and  active  to  rally 
round  the  standard  of  Freedom,  the  principles  of  which 
we  derived  from  our  forefathers,  whose  blood  freely 
flowed  in  its  defence. 

Coming  to  the  Dauphin  jai!,  escorted  by  the  military, 
we  found  it  well  accommodated  for  our  lodgment. 
There  were  four  rooms  below,  and  as  many  above 
stairs,  all  capacious  and  well  supplied  with  berths  or 
bulks,  in  the  common  method  of  barracks.  Our  com 
pany  taking  the  right  our  precedency  in  the  procession 
gave  us,  assumed  the  possession  of  a  room  in  the  third 
story,  which  was  in  truth  the  very  best.  Morgan's 
took  a  room  immediately  below  us  ;  Hendrick's  one 
adjoining  ;  but  remember  that  at  this  time  we  were  re 
duced  most  lamentably  by  killed,  wounded  and  missing. 
Many  were  in  the  hospital.  Out  of  sixty-five  who 
came  on  Abraham's  plains  in  November,  we  had 
scarcely  more  than  thirty  left  with  us  in  prison.  The 
fire  of  the  enemy  and  disease  had  so  thinned  us.  Mor 
gan's  gallant  men  fared  worse.  Like  the  eastern  people 


144  Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

before  and  at  that  period,  they  detested  the  introduction 
of  the  small-pox  into  their  country  by  inoculation.  Now 
they  were  its  victims.  Less  than  twenty-five  of  the 
privates  of  that  company  regained  their  native  homes. 
They  were  originally  as  elegant  a  body  of  men  as  ever 
came  within  my  view.1  To  use  the  style  of  my  friend 
Simpson,  "they  were  beautiful  boys,  who  knew  how  to 
handle  and  aim  the  rifle."  Indeed  many  of  them,  adroit 
young  men,  courageous  and  thorough  going,  became 
the  subjects  of  death  by  that  virulent  disease,  both  with 
out  and  within  the  city.  We  of  Pennsylvania  had  no 
fears  from  that  source.  This  disease  had  visited  us  in 
youth,  either  naturally  or  by  inoculation.  This  observ 
ation  which  is  a  serious  one,  should  convey  to  your 
minds  the  immensity  of  the  discovery  of  the  inoculation 
of  the  kine  pock,  by  Doctor  Jenner.  The  discovery  of 
the  causes  of  lightning,  its  dreadful  effects,  the  means  of 
avoiding  its  power  by  the  celebrated  Franklin,  our 
countryman,  is  (as  it  concerns  the  happiness  of  man, 
speaking  diffidently),  perhaps  inferior  in  importance  to 
that  of  Jenner.  The  Jennerian  discovery  tends  to  save 
the  lives  of  millions,  the  Franklinian  of  hundreds.  But 
all  lovers  of  natural  philosophy  are  compellable  to  ac 
knowledge  that  the  identity  of  the  electric  fluid,  obtained 
artificially,  with  that  of  the  clouds,  has  given  a  wider 
scope  to  human  thought  than  the  recency  of  the  Jenner 
ian  discovery  has  as  yet  afforded.  There  can  be  little 
doubt,  that  in  a  succession  of  years,  some  gigantic  gen 
iuses  of  the  medical  profession,  will  improve  and  extend 
the  benefits  of  the  happy  disclosure. 

At    the    Dauphin   jail    our    notions   of   escape   were 

1  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1776,  our  army  was  reduced  by  decease  of 
men,  or  debilitation  of  body,  so  that  they  could  not  act  effectively,  and  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world,  a  disreputable  retreat  took  place,  which  it  was  not 
then  quite  prudent  to  explain.  Now  it  may  be  safely  asserted,  that  great 
numbers  of  the  soldiers  inoculated  themselves  for  the  small-pox,  by  lacerat 
ing  under  the  finger  nails,  by  means  of  pins  or  needles,  either  to  obtain  an 
avoidance  of  duty,  or  to  get  over  that  horrible  disorder  in  an  easy  and 
speedy  way. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec >  1775.          145 

strengthened.  The  prison  may  be  three  huudred  yards 
from  St.  John's  gate,  the  interval  at  that  time  was  free 
from  buildings.  From  without  the  building  appeared 
formidable.  The  courtyard  was  very  contracted  for  so 
large  a  house,  and  was  encompassed  by  a  strong  stone 
wall  at  least  twenty  feet  high.  The  windows  and  doors 
were  seemingly  by  their  bars  impenetrable.  But  what 
cannot  men  of  true  spirit  effect  when  made  the  subjects 
of  oppression  ?  Opposite  to  the  jail,  across  the  street 
leading  to  St.  John's  gate,  at  a  distance  of  forty  yards 
there  stood  a  house  which  became  the  station  of  the 
guard  who  superintended  us.  In  the  first  of  our  im 
prisonment  we  were  attended  by  the  regular  troops,  or 
sailors,  who  were  embodied  by  government  as  soldiers, 
but  now  the  guard  (as  our  force  without  had  made  a  firm 
stand),  was  replaced  by  the  militia,  who  were  the  most 
inert  and  despicable  of  military  men.  The  sentries  were 
stationed  on  the  outside  of  the  jail  ;  we  had  no  witnesses 
of  our  conduct  within,  except  the  captain  of  the  provost, 
who  did  not  pry  with  a  suspicious  eye.  He  was  a  gen 
erous  and  open-hearted  enemy — had  no  guile  himself, 
nor  imputed  it  to  others.  The  principal  defence  on  this 
side  of  the  city,  as  it  regarded  our  attempt  at  evasion,  lay 
at  and  near  St.  John's  gate.  The  guard  here  was  most 
usually  composed  of  thirty  men  of  the  regular  troops  or 
sailors.  They  would  have  given  us  a  hustle  but  of  a 
certainty  we  should  have  overpowered  them  by  the  force 
of  numbers  as  stout  and  as  able  bodied  men  as  themselves 
whose  courage  was  not  to  be  questioned,  though  there 
was  a  great  difference  in  the  nature  of  our  respective 
arms.  Having  examined  the  jail  carefully,  its  imbecility 
to  restrain  us  was  apparent.  It  was  an  old  French 
building  in  the  Bastile  style.  The  walls  of  stone,  and 
more  than  three  feet  thick,  were  impenetrable  by  any 
of  our  means.  Upon  examining  the  bars  of  the  windows, 
which  were  originally  ill-constructed,  many  were  found 
so  much  corroded  as  to  move  up  and  down  in  the  sockets. 
These  could  be  taken  out.  The  mildness  of  Governor 
13 


146          Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775. 

Carleton's  reign  seemed  not  to  require  a  strict  inspection 
into  places  of  this  kind.  About  this  time  a  selected 
council  was  called,  of  which  your  father  had  the  honor 
to  be  one,  and  was  chiefly  composed  of  the  sergeants. 
The  present  Major  Joseph  Aston,  of  Lamb's  artillerists, 
then  a  sergeant-major  had  the  presidency.  Our  dis 
coveries  were  disclosed,  the  means  of  escape  considered, 
and  a  consultation  of  the  men  recommended.  This  was 
done,  and  there  was  not  a  dissentient  voice.  At  the 
stair  head  there  was  a  small  room  lighted  by  a  small 
window  ;  the  door  was  locked.  Peeping  through  the 
keyhole  large  iron  hoops  were  discovered  ;  the  spring  of 
the  lock  kindly  gave  way  to  our  efforts,  the  room  was 
ransacked  ;  and  as  neatly  closed.  The  room  furnished 
us  with  a  large  number  of  strong  iron-hoops,  two  and 
three  inches  broad,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  other 
iron,  of  different  shapes  and  sizes  deposited  there  as 
lumber.  From  the  first  of  these  articles  we  formed  a 
rough,  but  weighty  species  of  sword  with  a  wooden 
handle,  a  blow  from  which,  in  the  hands  of  one  of  our 
stout  men  would  have  brought  down  one  of  the  stoutest 
of  the  enemy.  The  residue  of  the  iron  was  applied  to 
formation  of  spear-heads.  These  were  affixed  to  splits 
of  fir- plank,  about  ten  feet  in  length,  which  had  formed 
in  part,  the  bottoms  of  the  lower  berths.  These  weapons, 
it  is  true,  were  of  the  coarsest  make,  yet  in  the  hands  of 
men  determined  to  sacrifice  their  lives  for  freedom,  they 
would  have  had  a  considerable  sway.  Our  long  knives, 
which  many  of  us  secreted  when  captured,  also  became 
spear-points.  These  weapons  were  concealed  under  the 
lower  range  of  berths,  which  were  raised  a  foot  from  the 
floor.  The  planks  were  neatly  raised,  the  nails  were 
extracted,  and  the  nail-head  with  a  part  of  its  shank, 
placed  in  its  former  position.  Over  these  lay  our 
blankets  and  bundles.  It  was  a  standing  rule  to  have 
two  sentries  constantly  on  the  watch,  one  at  each  end  of 
the  interior  of  the  jail.  Their  duty  consisted  in  giving 
a  signal  of  the  approach  of  the  officers  of  the  garrison, 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.  147 

who  were  in  the  habit  of  visiting  us  daily,  as  there  were 
shoemakers  and  tailors  among  us,  who  worked  cheaper 
than  those  of  the  city,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  bettering 
their  condition.  There  was  policy  in  this  watchfulness. 
When  the  signal  was  given  the  inner  doors  were  thrown 
open,  those  appointed  for  the  purpose  laid  upon  the  berth 
which  hid  our  arms,  as  if  in  a  drowsy  state.  The  officers 
were  accosted  with  assumed  confidence,  and  much  com 
plaisance.  The  council  met  daily,  sometimes  in  small 
squads,  and  when  anything  of  much  consequence  was 
to  be  considered  in  larger  ;  but  at  all  times  secretly,  or 
at  least  not  obviously  as  a  council,  from  a  fear  of  traitors, 
or  some  indiscretion  of  the  young  men.  Our  arrange 
ments,  so  far  as  my  judgment  could  discern,  were  judicious. 
Aston  was  to  act  as  general,  M'Coy  and  some  others 
became  colonels.  Boyd  and  others  of  the  most  spirit 
became  majors,  captains,  lieutenants,  etc.  That  which 
cheered  me  much  was  that  the  council  assigned  me  a 
first  lieutenancy  under  my  friend  Boyd,  whose  vigor  and 
courage  .were  unquestionable. 

The  plan  of  the  escape  was  thus:  Aston,  who  was 
an  excellent  engineer,  was  to  have  the  particular  superin- 
tendency  of  Lamb's  company,  which  to  a  man  was  well 
informed  in  their  duty,  active  and  spirited.  These  were 
to  be  increased  to  a  band  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  attack  the  guard  at  St.  John's  gate. 
The  attack  of  the  guard  opposite  the  jail  was  assigned  to 
the  discretion  of  Boyd,  Cunningham  and  myself;  the 
council  generously  giving  us  the  authority  of  a  first 
selection  of  twenty  two  persons,  from  the  whole  body 
of  our  men.  The  residue  of  our  force  was  so  disposed 
of  as  to  act  as  a  body  of  reserve  to  Aston,  under  the 
command  of  M'Coy,  and  another  smaller  body  was 
reserved  to  support  Boyd,  particularly  by  way  of  setting 
fire  to  the  jail,  the  guard  house,  and  the  buildings  in  its 
neighborhood,  to  amuse  or  employ  the  enemy,  while  we 
were  running  to  St.  John's  gate.  It  was  expected  we 
could  arrive  there  by  the  time  Aston  and  his  party 


148  Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

would  be  victorious.  Our  particular  duty  was  of  the 
desperate  kind,  something  of  the  nature  of  the  cc  forlorn 
hope."  Nothing  but  the  virtue  and  bravery  of  our 
comrades  could  ensure  the  safety  of  our  lives ;  for  if 
they  should  arrive  at  St.  John's- gate,  and  discomfit  the 
guard,  and  if  then  seeking  safety  by  flight,  they  would 
leave  us  to  the  mercy  of  an  enraged  enemy,  who  would 
sacrifice  us  to  their  fury.  But  there  has  been  too  much 
precipitation  in  the  relation.  Previously  to  the  last 
observations,  besides  being  told  of  our  force,  our  weapons, 
and  our  military  plans,  you  should  have  been  informed 
also,  of  the  real  site  of  the  jail,  of  its  internal  structure, 
from  which  the  sally  was  to  be  made.  The  Dauphin 
jail  is  built  on  a  plain,  pretty  much  declined  towards  the 
street.  It  follows  that  the  front  of  the  lower  story, 
that  is  the  cellars,  was  oil  a  level  with  the  street.  The 
back  ground  was  ten  or  twelve  feet  higher.  In  the 
cellar,  near  the  foot  of  the  stairway,  there  was  a  plente 
ous  fountain  of  water,  which  supplied  the  house.  The 
conduits  leading  from  the  spring,  by  the  severity  of  the 
weather,  were  impeded  by  ice,  so  that  the  water,  In  great 
quantity  remained  in  the  cellar,  which  with  the  additional 
carelessness  of  our  people,  who  cast  the  rinsing  of  their 
buckets  on  the  floor  of  the  apartment,  formed  a  bed  of 
ice  a  foot  thick,  and  very  firm  and  solid.  This  cellar 
had  a  door  newly  made  of  strong  pine  plank,  five  feet 
in  width,  which  opened  inwards,  the  sill  was  level  with 
the  street.  The  door  was  hung  upon  H  hinges  of  a 
large  size,  fixed  on  the  inside,  exposed  to  our  view  and 
operations.  But  what  was  still  more  absurd,  the  door 
was  hasped  within  and  secured  by  a  large  pad  lock. 
Close  inspection  and  thoughtfulness  had  made  the  mem 
bers  of  the  council,  by  the  means  they  enjoyed,  perfect 
masters  of  those  hinges  and  the  lock;  they  would  not 
have  stood  a  second  of  time.  The  principal  obstacle 
was  the  ice  which  was  raised  fully  a  foot  against  the 
door.  Even  this  would  have  given  way  to  our  ingenuity. 
The  whole  of  our  plan  was  well  laid,  and  thoroughly 


Campaign  against  ghiebec,  1775.          149 

digested.  That  door  was  to  be  our  sally  port.  Boyd 
preceding  with  our  division,  Aston  and  M'Coy  following, 
they  turning  rapidly  to  the  left  for  St.  John's  gate.  The 
dislocation  of  the  iron  bars  of  the  windows,  was  to 
ensue  :  all  those  which  could  be  removed  being  known, 
were  to  become  issues  for  our  bravest  men.  Every 
man  knew  his  station.  It  is  an  old  and  a  trite  observ 
ation,  that  it  is  a  difficult  thing  to  describe  a  battle,  so  as 
to  give  a  clear  idea  of  all  the  causes  and  effects  of  each 
movement,  without  overloading  and  confusing  the  pic 
ture.  The  same  may  be  said  of  a  conspiracy  such  as 
ours.  Going  through  the  entry  from  the  front  door 
into  the  jail  yard,  near  the  back  door  but  still  within  the 
prison,  there  are  two  cavities  opposite  to  each  other, 
strongly  walled  and  arched.  We  called  them  the  black 
holes.  On  the  outside  of  the  building  in  the  vard,  these 
cavities  assumed  the  forms  of  banks,  ten  or  eleven  feet 
high,  and  as  wide  ;  and  well  sodded.  With  some  address 
and  agility  a  sprightly  man  could  surpass  either  of  them. 
The  wall  above  those  banks  was  probably  ten  feet 
higher.  In  the  daytime  we  often  climbed  up  the  wall, 
by  means  of  its  interstices,  from  which  the  mortar  had 
fallen  in  the  course  of  time,  to  take  a  peep  at  the  city, 
merely  putting  our  eyes  above  the  level  of  the  top  of  it. 
A  Mr.  Martin,  a  hardy,  daring  and  active  young  man, 
of  Lamb's  company,  I  think  a  sergeant,  proposed  to 
bear  intelligence  of  our  projects,  to  the  American  com 
mander  without  the  walls.  His  plan  was  approved.  A 
time  for  irruption  was  named,  though  the  day  was  not 
particularized.  The  signals  to  invite  the  advance  of  our 
army  to  St.  John's  gate,  were  the  burning  of  the  houses, 
and  the  firing  of  the  guns  of  the  ramparts  towards  the 
city.  As  yet,  we  were  unprepared  to  move.  This  ex 
pedition  of  Martin's  was  profoundly  a  secret  among  those 
of  the  council,  from  a  fear  that  some  bungler  might  at 
tempt  the  same  path,  fail,  and  by  his  being  taken,  unveil 
our  plots.  Permit  me  a  short  episode  on  the  escape  of 
Martin.  It  was  singularly  adventurous,  and  the  neatness 


150          Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

of  its  execution  renders  it  worthy  of  remark.  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  it  recounted,  in  more  happy  times,  at 
New  York.  Martin  was  dressed  in  warm  clothing, 
with  good  gloves  ;  a  white  cap,  shirt  and  overalls  were 
prepared  for  him.  He  appeared  in  the  jail  yard  among 
the  prisoners,  in  his  daily  dress.  The  time  of  locking 
up,  and  calling  the  roll  generally  happened  about  sun 
down.  It  was  the  business  of  the  captain  of  the  provost, 
who  was  accompanied  by  a  file  of  men.  The  prisoners, 
instigated  by  those  in  the  secret,  employed  themselves 
out  of  doors,  until  late  in  the  evening,  in  play,  as  if  to 
keep  their  bodies  warm.  It  was  a  blowing  and  dreary 
evening,  which  was  purposely  chosen.  At  locking  up, 
those  in  the  secret  lagged  behind,  tardily,  pushing  the 
uninformed  before,  yet  so  slowly,  as  effectually  to  crowd 
the  gangway  ;  Martin  remaining  in  the  rear.  .  The  ope 
ration  took  place  at  the  clanging  of  the  lock  of  the  great 
front  door.  This  measure  was  imagined  and  effected 
on  purpose  to  procure  to  Martin  a  sufficiency  of  leisure 
to  get  to  his  hiding  place,  which  was  no  other  than  a  nook 
formed  by  the  projection  of  the  door  way,  and  on  the 
top  of  one  of  the  banks  before  spoken  of.  Here  he  had 
time  to  put  on  his  cap,  shirt,  etc.  The  officer  who  ex 
amined  the  yard,  could  not  perceive  him,  unless  he  went 
out  of  the  door,  several  paces  to  the  left,  and  most  pro 
bably,  not  even  then,  for  Martin  would  be  covered  in 
the  snow,  and  imperceptible.  Happily  the  officer  went 
no  further  than  the  threshold,  and  made  but  a  slight  sur 
vey  of  the  yard.  This  account,  so  far,  is  derived  from 
my  own  knowledge  ;  what  follows,  is  from  Martin  him 
self.  u  Martin  tarried  there  until  seven  or  eight  o'clock. 
The  dilemma  he  was  in,  could  only  be  surpassed  in  im 
minence  of  danger,  by  his  extreme  activity,  skill  and 
courage.  There  were  four  sentries  stationed  around  the 
jail  —  two  at  each  corner  in  front,  and  the  like  number 
at  the  corners  of  the  yard  in  the  rear.  Those  sentries, 
though  relieved  every  quarter  of  an  hour,  were  soon 
driven  into  the  sentry  boxes,  by  the  cold  and  keenness 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.          I5I 

of  the  whistling  winds.  If  they  had  paced  the  spaces 
allotted  them  by  duty,  the  escape  of  Martin  must  have 
been  impossible.  Watching  the  true  time, -he  slipped 
down  the  wall  into  the  deep  snow  underneath  unobserved. 
Hence,  he  made  a  sudden  excursion  to  the  left  of  St. 
John's  gate,  at  a  part  of  the  wall  where  he  well  knew 
no  sentry  was  placed.  Leaping  the  wall,  into  the  snow, 
he  received  the  fire  of  a  distant  sentry.  Martin  was  un 
harmed.  The  soldier  fired,  as  it  were,  at  a  phantom, 
for  when  Martin's  body  came  into  contact  with  the 
snow  it  was  undiscernible  —  the  desired  information 
was  given  j"  but  of  this,  we  could  merely  make  surmises 
until  the  May  following.  That  which  is  very  remark 
able  is,  that  the  absence  of  Martin  was  unknown  to  go 
vernment,  until  the  explosion  of  our  plot. 

Our  next  solicitude  was  the  acquisition  of  powder. 
This  article  could  be  obtained  but  by  sheer  address  and 
shrewd  management.  But  we  had  to  do  with  men  who 
were  not  of  the  military  cast.  We  began  first  to  enter 
into  familiarity  with  the  sentries,  joking  with  them  and 
pretending  to  learn  French  from  them.  The  guard, 
usually  of  Canadians,  consisted  of  many  old  men,  and 
young  boys,  who  were  very  lt  coming."  A  few  small 
gun-carriages  were  constructed,  not  more  than  six 
inches  in  length,  and  mounted  with  cannon,  or  howit 
zers,  which  were  made  of  many  folds  of  paper,  and 
were  bound  tightly  around  with  thread.  These  were 
shown  to  the  sentries  from  time  to  time,  and  a  little 
powder  was  requested,  with  which  to  charge  them.  Our 
berths  formed  an  angle  of  the  room.  The  upper  berths, 
as  well  as  the  lower,  had  a  ledge  of  several  inches  in 
height,  in  which  embrasures  were  formed  with  the 
knife.  Two  parties  were  raised  in  opposition  to  each 
other,  each  of  which  took  possession  of  one  side  of  the 
angle.  The  blaze  and  report,  which  was  nearly  as  great 
and  as  loud  as  that  of  small  pistols,  created  much  laughter 
and  merriment.  This  sport,  the  child  of  a  seeming  folly, 
served  us  as  a  pretence  and  justification  for  soliciting 


152          Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

powder.  The  apparent  joy  prevailing  among  us  pleased 
the  Canadians,  both  old  and  young,  and  did  not  alarm 
the  government.  We  obtained  many  cartridges  in  the 
course  of  a  few  weeks,  two-thirds  of  which  came  to  the 
hands  of  Aston  and  his  corps,  for  the  purpose  of  manu 
facturing  matches,  etc.,  etc.  Fire  arms  .of  any  kind 
could  not,  by  any  finesse,  be  procured.  The  commerce 
of  cartridges,  accompanied  by  a  suavity  and  deference 
of  manners  towards  our  young  friends,  procured  us 
many  quarters  of  pounds  of  powder,  which  they  bought 
secretly  out  of  funds,  some  of  which  were  procured  in 
a  ludicrous  way.  We  had  many  sick  in  the  hospital, 
for  when  any  one  appeared  to  be  disordered  in  the  least 
degree,  he  was  hurried  to  the  infirmary,  when  cured, 
he  was  returned  to  us.  Some  of  the  men  went  so  far 
as  to  feign  sickness  to  get  to  that  place,  where  they 
lived  in  a  more  sumptuous  style  than  that  of  the  jail. 
The  frequent  removals  caused  the  propagation  of  a  re 
port  that  the  prison  was  unhealthy.  Many  pious  matrons 
came  to  see  us,  and  never  empty  handed.  Some 
elderly  nuns,  of  respectable  families,  were  of  the  number, 
and  generally  brought  money,  truly  not  great  in  quantity, 
but  not  the  less  acceptable  to  the  sick  and  convalescent, 
as  these  alms  procured  them  some  slight  comforts,  such 
as  tea,  etc.  These  were  the  religious  and  humane  col 
lections  of  the  sisterhood,  and  mostly  consisted  of  the 
smallest  change.  There  was  a  beautiful  countenanced 
youth,  Thomas  Gibson,  first  sergeant  of  Hendricks, 
who  had  studied  physic  at  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  allied 
to  me  by  affinity,  who  had,  probably  from  a  knowledge 
he  had  of  his  profession,  sustained  his  health  hitherto  ; 
his  cheeks  were  blooming  as  roses.  He  was  one  of  the 
council.  As  young  men,  we  cared  little  about  the 
means,  so  that  we  obtained  the  end,  which  was  powder. 
We  lived  above  stairs,  and  never  shared  in  the  gratuities 
of  the  ladies,  which  were  rapaciously  awaited  at  the 
entrance  of  the  prison.  Gibson  and  myself  were 
standing  at  a  window  near  the  great  door,  and  opposite 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.          153 

to  M'Coy's  room,  a  neat  little  box  which  had  been 
knocked  up  for  his  purposes.  Looking  into  the  street, 
a  lady  with  a  thick  vail,  was  observed  to  take  the  path 
through  the  snow  to  our  habitation.  "  Zounds,  Gibson, 
there's  a  nun,"  was  scarcely  expressed,  before  he  was 
hurried  into  M'Coy's  apartment  and  put  to  bed,  though 
dressed.  Several  of  us  waited  respectfully  at  the  door, 
till  the  officer  of  the  guard  unlocked  it.  The  nun 
entered  —  she  seemed,  from  her  manners,  to  be  genteel 
and  respectable.  We  were  most  sedulous  in  our  atten 
tions  to  the  lady,  and  so  prevailed,  as  to  induce  her  to 
come  into  M'Coy's  room.  Here  lay  Gibson,  covered 
to  the  chin  with  the  bed-clothes,  nothing  exposed  but 
his  beautiful  hair  and  red  cheeks,  the  latter  indicating  a 
high  fever.  It  was  well  the  lady  was  no  physician. 
The  nun  crossing  herself,  and  whispering  a  pater-noster, 
poured  the  contents  of  her  little  purse  into  the  hand  of 
the  patient,  which  he  held  gently,  without  the  blanketing, 
and  left  us.  What  should  the  donation  be,  but  twenty- 
four  coppers,  equal  at  that  time  to  two  shillings  of  our 
money.  The  latter  circumstance  added  much  to  the 
humor,  and  extreme  merriment  of  the  transaction.  This 
money  was  solely  appropriated  for  powder.  Thus, 
careless  of  every  thing  but  the  means  of  escaping,  we 
enjoyed  many  merry,  and  even  happy  hours.  Aston, 
who  was  provident  of  time,  by  the  middle  of  March 
(I  have  no  note  of  the  precise  period),  had  all  his  matters 
of  arrangement  in  good  order. 

The  council  assigned  a  day  for  the  irruption.  As  we 
dared  not  touch  the  door  in  the  cellar,  from  a  fear  of 
discovery  by  inspection  (and  it  was  examined  almost 
daily),  it  was  determined  to  postpone  the  unloosing  the 
hinges  and  lock,  which  were  under  our  command,  until 
the  moment  of  escape.  It  became  a  main  question  how 
to  remove  the  ice  at  the  foot  of  the  door.  Here  lay  the 
great  difficulty,  as  it  was  universally  agreed  that  the  door 
must  be  dragged  down  suddenly,  so  that  we  might  march 
over  it.  Remember  also,  that  a  sentry  was  posted  not 


154          Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

more  than  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  from  the  outside 
of  the  door.  Many  propositions  were  made  in  council, 
how  to  effect  the  removal  of  the  body  of  ice  without 
exposure  to  detection.  One  was  lightly  to  pick  it  away 
with  hatchets,  a  few  of  which  had  been  secretly  retained 
by  the  prisoners,  and  brought  into  the  jail.  To  this, 
there  were  several  insuperable  objections  ;  the  softest 
stroke  of  the  lightest  tomahawk  upon  the  ice  would  be 
heard  by  a  sentry  so  near  ;  or  an  unlucky  stroke  might 
touch  the  door  which  would  resound  and  inevitably  cause 
a  discovery.  Others  proposed  to  wear  away  the  ice  by 
boiling  water ;  two  most  obvious  objections  lay  here  ; 
the  steam  would  search  for  a  vent  through  the  crevices 
of  the  door  and  window,  and  develop  our  measures  ; 
besides  the  extreme  cold  would  have  congealed  the  hot 
water  the  moment  it  fell,  so  as  to  add  to  our  difficulties. 
Another  idea  was  suggested  that  was  "  with  knives  to  cut 
the  door  across  on  the  surface  of  the  ice ;"  to  this  plan 
there  was  a  fatal  exception,  the  ice  had  risen  on  the  lower 
cross-piece  of  the  door  nearly  an  inch,  so  that  we  must 
cut  through  the  cross-piece  lengthwise,  and  through  the 
thick  plank  crosswise.  Though  this  labor  might  have 
been  accomplished  by  industry  and  perseverance,  yet  the 
time  it  would  necessarily  take  would  cause  a  discovery 
by  the  searchers.  The  last  and  only  method  to  avoid 
discovery  was  adopted.  This  was  to  embody  sixteen  or 
eighteen  of  the  most  prudent  men  who  knew  the  value 
of  silence,  who  should,  two  and  two,  relieve  each  other, 
and  with  our  long  knives  gently  pare  away  the  ice  next 
the  sill  of  the  door,  so  as  to  make  a  groove  of  four  or 
six  inches  wide,  parallel  with,  and  deep  as  the  sill.  The 
persons  were  named  and  appointed  to  this  service.  Now 
the  capability  of  the  execution  of  our  plot,  infused  com 
fort  and  joy  into  all  hearts.  It  was  intended  immediately 
after  locking  up,  on  the  night  of  the  irruption,  that  those 
prudent  men,  should  descend  into  the  vault  by  pairs,  and 
by  incessant  labor  have  the  work  finished  by  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  sally  should  be  made. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.  *55 

We  had  carefully  noticed  from  the  walls  of  the  jail,  and 
the  ridge  of  the  house  where  there  is  a  trap-door,  the 
placing  of  the  guards,  the  numbers  and  stationing  of  the 
sentries.  We  were  safe  therefore,  in  the  measures  we 
had  taken  for  the  attack  of  the  guard  of  St.  John's  gate. 
Our  own  guard  was  perfectly  scrutinized.  The  oppor 
tunities  were  of  the  most  commodious  kind.  The  guard 
house  was  directly  in  our  front,  where  we  could  see  and 
be  seen.  Their  windows  had  no  shutters.  They  had 
lights  all  the  night  through  ;  we,  the  better  to  observe 
them,  kept  none.  This  latter  circumstance,  enabled  us 
distinctly  to  see  that  the  arms  with  fixed  bayonets  were 
placed  in  the  right  hand  corner  of  the  room,  as  we  would 
enter  from  the  stairhead,  and  that  the  guard  towards 
morning  to  a  man  were  lying  asleep  on  the  floor.  The 
sentries  as  they  were  relieved,  did  the  like.  This 
guard,  as  was  before  said,  in  ordinary  consisted  of  thirty 
persons.  Boyd's  party,  from  a  perfect  knowledge  of 
their  method  of  conducting,  esteemed  it  no  great  hardi 
ness  to  undertake  the  overwhelming  them.  Subsequently 
our  danger  must  appear.  The  nights  were  piercingly 
cold — the  sentries  soon  housed  themselves  in  their 
boxes.  As  the  sally,  to  succeed,  mast  be  most  silent  and 
quick,  it  was  hoped  to  quiet  all  of  them  before  any  alarm 
could  spread.  Besides  Boyd's  division  (the  first  rank  of 
which,  were  to  despatch  the  nearest  sentry  by  the  spear), 
others  of  the  succeeding  corps,  were  assigned  to  assail 
the  rest  of  the  sentries,  immediately  around  the  prison. 
The  getting  up  the  stairs  of  our  guard-house  so  quickly 
as  to  create  no  alarm  was  not  only  feasible,  but  in  my  mind 
(with  the  force  delegated  to  us),  of  absolute  certainty  of 
success.  The  front  door  was  always  open  by  night  and 
by  day,  we  knew  the  precise  number  of  steps  the  stairs 
contained.  An  agile  man  would  mount  at  three  strides. 
A  light  was  continually  in  the  passage.  Entering  the 
room  and  turning  to  the  right  the  arms  in  the  corner 
were  ours.  The  bayonet,  from  necessity,  would  become 
the  lot  of  the  guard.  In  this  part  of  the  enterprise  pro- 


156          Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

found  silence  was  all  important  ;  the  section  was  to  rely 
on  the  spear  and  tomahawk.  Aston  on  the  other  hand, 
being  victorious  at  St.  John's  gate,  was  instantly  to  turn 
the  cannon  upon  the  city  ;  his  fuses,  portfire,  etc.,  were 
prepared  and  ready  as  substitutes  for  those  of  the  enemy, 
if  they  were  extinguished  or  taken  from  the  guns.  It 
was  known  to  us,  that  all  the  cannon  of  the  ramparts 
were  charged  and  primed,  and  boxes  of  ammunition  and 
piles  of  balls  in  the  vicinity  of  each  gun,  it  was  calculated 
that  the  execution  of  the  business  of  our  section,  might 
be  effected  in  at  least  fifteen  minutes,  together  with  the 
firing  of  the  houses.  Then  running  to  support  Aston 
and  if  he  was  victorious,  to  maintain  our  position  on  the 
walls,  under  a  hope  of  the  arrival  of  the  American  army 
from  without.  In  that  event  St.  John's  gate,  as  a  first 
measure,  was  to  be  opened.  But  if  Aston  should  un 
fortunately  be  beaten  (which  was  most  improbable,)  then 
we  were  to  fly  in  all  directions,  and  make  the  adven 
turous  leap.  It  was  supposed  that  in  the  latter  case  the 
hurry  and  bustle  created  by  so  sudden,  unforseen  and 
daring  an  attack,  would  throw  the  garrison  into  conster 
nation  and  disorder,  to  so  great  a  degree,  as  to  admit  the 
escape  of  many.  Sluggards  might  expect  to  be  massacred. 
The  particularity  of  the  foregoing  details  are  purposely 
made  to  impress  on  your  minds  a  single  truth  :  u  That 
the  best  imagined  schemes  and  thoroughly  digested  de 
signs,  whether  in  military  or  civil  life,  may  be  defeated 
by  a  thoughtless  boy,  the  interference  of  an  idiot  or  a 
treacherous  knave."  Two  lads  from  Connecticut  or 
Massachusetts,  whose  names  are  now  lost  to  my  memory, 
prisoners  with  us,  but  who  had  no  manner  of  connection 
or  intercourse  with  the  chiefs,  nor  knew  the  minute,  yet 
essential  parts  of  the  measures  of  the  council,  but  pro 
bably  having  overheard  a  whisper  of  the  time  and 
manner  of  the  evasion  ;  those  young  men,  without  con 
sultation,  without  authority  from  their  superiors,  in  the 
thoughtless  ardor  of  their  minds,  on  the  eve  of  the  sally, 
descended  into  the  cellar,  and  with  hatchets,  picked  at 


Campaign  against  ghee  bee,  1775.          157 

the  ice  at  the  door-sill.  The  operation  was  heard.  The 
sentry  threatened  to  fire.  The  guard  was  instantly 
alarmed  and  immediately  doubled,  and  all  our  long 
labored  schemes  and  well  digested  plans,  annihilated  in 
a  moment.  You  cannot  form  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
pangs  we  endured.  My  heart  was  nearly  broken  by  the 
excess  of  surprise  and  burning  anger,  to  be  thus  fatuit- 
ously  deprived  of  the  gladdening  hope  of  a  speedy  return 
to  our  friends  and  country.  It  became  us,  however,  to 
put  the  best  face  upon  it.  It  was  suddenly  resolved  by 
the  chiefs  to  kill  the  person  who  should  disclose  the 
general  plot,  and  to  wait  upon  the  officers  on  the  ensu 
ing  morning,  with  our  usual  attentions.  When  morn 
ing  came,  it  found  us  afoot.  About  sunrise,  the 
formidable  inquisition  took  place.  Major  Murray,  Cap 
tain  Prentis,  the  officer  of  the  guard,  and  a  dozen  mus 
keteers  came, —  we  awaited  their  approach  undismayed. 
They  accosted  us  very  coolly.  The  cellar  was  visited, 
and  the  work  of  those  fools  was  apparent.  Reascend- 
ing,  we  could  assure  the  gentlemen  that  this  effort  to 
escape,  was  without  the  knowledge  of  any  of  us.  Thisr 
to  be  sure,  was  said  in  the  Jesuitical  style,  but  those  who 
made  the  assertion,  did  not  then  know  either  the  persons 
or  the  names  of  the  silly  adventurers.  The  officers  and 
the  guard  were  departing,  fully  persuaded  that  it  was  no 
more  than  the  attempt  of  one  or  two  persons  to  escape. 
Major  Murray  was  the  last  to  recede.  An  Englishman 
of  whom  we  knew  not  that  he  was  a  deserter  from  our 
enemies  at  Boston,  had  posted  himself  close  to  the  right 
jamb  of  the  door,  which  was  more  than  half  opened  for 
the  passage  of  the  major.  Those  of  us  who  were  de 
termined  to  execute  our  last  night's  resolution,  armed 
with  our  long  knives,  had  formed  a  half  circle  around 
the  door,  without  observing  the  intrusion  and  presence 
of  the  deserter.  Major  Murray  was  standing  on  the 
threshold,  speaking  in  a  kindly  manner  to  us,  when  the 
villain  sprung  past  the  major,  even  jostling  him.  The 
spring  he  made,  was  so  sudden  and  so  entirely  unsus- 
14 


158          Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

pected,  that  he  screened  himself  from  our  just  vengeance. 
Touching  Major  Murray's  shoulder,  "Sir,"  says  he,  "  I 
have  something  to  disclose."  The  guards  encompassed 
the  traitor,  and  hurried  him  away  to  the  governor's 
palace.  We  instantaneously  perceived  the  extent  and 
consequences  of  this  disaster.  The  prisoners  immedi 
ately  destroyed  such  of  the  arms  as  were  too  bulky 
to  hide,  if  destructible,  and  secreted  the  rest.  In  an 
hour  or  two,  a  file  of  men  with  an  officer,  demanded 
Boyd,  Cunningham  and  others,  represented  by  the  vile 
informer,  as  lukewarm  in  the  plot.  They  were  escorted 
to  the  governor's  council.  Here  they  found  that  the 
wretch  had  evidenced  all  our  proceedings  minutely, 
naming  every  one  who  was  prominent.  Our  worthy 
compatriots  were  examined  on  oath,  and  as  men  of  honor 
could  not  conceal  the  truth.  The  questions  of  the 
council  (furnished  by  the  informer),  did  not  admit  of 
equivocation  or  evasion,  if  the  examinants  had  been  so 
inclined,  and  besides  all  tergiversation,  when  the  outline 
was  marked,  was  nugatory.  They  boldly  admitted  and 
justified  the  attempt.  We  did  not  fare  the  worse  in  our 
provisions  nor  in  the  estimation  of  our  enemy.  Return 
ing  to  the  jail,  my  dear  Boyd  shed  the  tears  of  excruciat 
ing  anguish  in  my  bosom,  deploring  our  adverse  fate. 
We  had  vowed  to  each  other  to  be  free  or  die,  and  to  be 
thus  foolishly  baulked  caused  the  most  heart  rending 
grief.  Towards  two  o'clock  P.M.  were  seen  several  heavy 
cart  loads,  consisting  of  long  and  weighty  irons,  such  as 
bilboes,  foot-hobbles  and  hand-cuffs,  arrive.  The  pri 
soners  were  ordered  to  their  rooms.  The  ironing  began 
below  stairs  with  Morgan's  company.  Here  the  bilboes 
were  expended.  If  not  much  mistaken,  ten  or  twelve 
persons  were  secured,  each  by  a  foot  to  a  bar  twelve 
feet  long,  and  two  inches  in  diameter.  The  heavy  bolts 
were  exhausted  in  the  story  below  us.  When  they 
came  to  our  range  of  rooms,  they  turned  to  the  left,  in 
stead  of  coming  to  the  right  where  we  were.  By  the 
time  the  officers  came  to  us,  even  the  handcuffs  were 


Campaign  against  Quebec  y  1775.          159 

nearly  out.  Each  of  us  was  obliged  to  take  to  his  berth, 
which  contained  five  men  each.  When  they  had 
shackled  those  of  the  lower  berths,  they  commenced  at 
one  the  most  distant  from  ours.  Slipping  in  the  rear  of 
my  companions,  bent  down  in  apparent  trepidation,  the 
blacksmith  ironed  my  messmates,  and  then  called  to  me 
to  descend  and  submit  to  his  office.  Coming  —  u  Never 
mind  that  lad,"  said  my  friend  Captain  Prentis.  They 
had  but  three  or  four  pair  of  handcuffs  left,  which  were 
clapped  on  the  elderly  and  robust.  Besides  M'Coy,  our 
Boniface  the  cook,  Doctor  Gibson,  two  others  and  my 
self,  who  were  unhampered,  all  the  rest  were,  in  appear 
ance,  tightly  and  firmly  secured.  Though  M'Coy  and 
Boniface  were  adepts  at  insurrection,  yet  their  services 
were  of  too  much  importance  to  government  to  be  dis 
pensed  with.  The  others  of  the  unfettered  remained 
so  from  the  exhaustion  of  the  shackles.  A  new  species 
of  interesting  occurrences,  mingled  with  much  fun  and 
sportive  humor,  now  occurred,  which  was  succeeded  by 
a  series  of  horrible  anguish.  The  doors  were  scarcely 
closed,  before  we  began  to  assay  the  unshackling. 
Those  who  had  small  hands,  by  compressing  the  palms, 
could  easily  divest  the  irons  from  their  wrist.  Of  these 
there  were  many,  who  became  the  assistants  of  their 
friends,  whose  hands  were  larger.  Here  there  was  a 
necessity  for  ingenuity.  Knives  notched  as  saws,  were 
the  principal  means.  The  head  of  the  rivet,  at  the  end 
of  the  bar,  was  sawed  off,  it  was  lengthened  and  a  screw 
formed  upon  it,  to  cap  which  a  false  head  was  made, 
either  of  iron  or  of  lead,  resembling  as  much  as  possible 
the  true  head.  Again  new  rivets  were  formed,  from 
the  iron  we  had  preserved  in  our  secret  hoards,  from  the 
vigilance  of  the  searchers.  These  new  rivets  being 
made  to  bear  a  strong  likeness  to  the  old,  were  then  cut 
into  two  parts  —  one  part  was  driven  into  the  bolt  tightly, 
became  stationary,  the  other  part  was  movable.  It 
behoved  the  wearer  of  the  manacle  to  look  to  it,  that  he 
did  not  lose  the  loose  part,  and  when  the  searchers 


160          Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775. 

came  to  examine,  that  it  should  stand  firm  in  the  orifice. 
Some  poor  fellow,  perhaps  from,  a  defect  of  ingenuity, 
the  hardness  of  the  iron,  or  the  want  of  the  requisite 
tools,  could  not  discharge  the  bilboes.  This  was  par 
ticularly  the  melancholy  predicament  of  three  of  Mor 
gan's  men,  whose  heels  were  too  long  to  slip  through 
the  iron,  which  encompassed  the  small  of  the  leg.  It 
was  truly  painful  to  see  three  persons  attached  to  a 
monstrous  bar,  the  weight  of  which  was  above  their 
strength  to  carry.  It  added  to  the  poignancy  of  their 
sufferings,  in  such  frigid  weather,  that  their  colleagues 
at  the  bar,  having  shorter  heels,  could  withdraw  the  foot 
and  perambulate  the  jail  ;  where  their  companions  left 
them,  there  they  must  remain,  seated  on  the  floor,  unless 
some  kind  hands  assisted  them  to  remove. 

There  was  a  droll  dog  from  the  eastward  who  was 
doubly  unfortunate  ;  in  the  attack  of  the  city  he  had 
received  a  spent  ball  in  the  pit  of  the  stomach,  which 
had  nearly  ended  him  ;  now  it  became  his  lot  to  have  an 
immense  foot  bolt  fastened  to  his  leg,  without  a  com 
panion  to  bear  him  company  and  cheer  his  lonely  hours. 
This  victim  of  persecution  and  sorrow  would  sometimes 
come  among  us  in  the  yard,  bearing  up  his  bolt,  slung 
by  a  cord  hitched  over  his  shoulder.  Nothing  could 
damp  his  spirits.  He  talked,  laughed  and  sung  inces 
santly.  Some  others  besides  those,  were  similarly 
situated.  Those  who  were  so  lucky  as  to  have  light 
hand  cuffs,  bore  them  about  with  them.  The  greatest 
danger  of  discovery  arose  from  those  who  could  free 
themselves  from  the  heavy  irons.  The  usual  visitations 
were  increased  from  twice  to  thrice  a  day,  in  the  first 
and  last  the  smith  searched  the  bolts  of  each  person. 
But  there  were  other  intrusions  intermediately,  by  offi 
cers  evidently  despatched  by  the  suspicions  of  govern 
ment,  for  the  purpose  of  discovery.  To  counteract 
these  new  measures  of  caution  and  jealousy,  we  were 
well  prepared.  Sentries,  on  our  part,  were  regularly 
stationed  at  certain  windows  of  the  jail,  to  descry  the 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775.          l  & l 

approach  of  any  one  in  the  garb  of  an  officer.  The 
view  from  these  windows  was  pretty  extensive  down  two 
of  the  streets,  particularly  that  leading  to  the  palace. 
Notwithstanding  every  caution  to  avoid  detection,  yet 
the  clang  of  the  lock  of  the  great  door,  was  upon  some 
occasions  the  only  warning  given  us  of  the  impending 
danger.  The  scamperings  at  those  times  were  truly 
diverting,  and  having  always  escaped  discovery,  gave  us 
much  amusement.  The  clanking  of  the  fetters  followed, 
and  was  terrible  ;  such  as  the  imagination  forms  in  child 
hood,  of  the  condition  of  the  souls  in  Tartarus  ;  even 
this  was  sport.  Happily  our  real  situation  was  never 
known  to  any  of  the  government  officers  ;  unless  the 
good  blacksmith  (a  worthy  Irishman,  of  a  feeling  heart), 
might  be  called  such,  and  he  was  silent. 

Towards  the  middle  of  April  the  scurvy,  which  we  had 
been  imbibing  during  the  winter,  now  made  its  appear 
ance  in  its  most  virulent  and  deadly  forms,  preceded  and 
accompanied  by  a  violent  diarrhoea.  Many  of  those 
who  were  first  affected  were  taken  to  the  hospital.  But 
the  disease  soon  became  general  among  us.  We  were 
attended  several  times  by  Doctor  Maybin,  the  physician- 
general,  who,  by  his  tender  attentions,  and  amiable  man 
ners,  won  our  affections  :  he  recommended  a  cleansing 
of  the  stomach,  by  ipecacuanha  and  mild  cathartics, 
such  as  rhubarb,  together  with  due  exercise.  Those 
who  were  young,  active  and  sensible  of  the  doctor's 
salutary  advice,  kept  afoot,  and  practiced  every  kind  of 
athletic  sport  we  could  devise.  On  the  contrary,  those 
who  were  supinely  indolent,  and  adhered  to  their  blankets, 
became  objects  of  real  commiseration  —  their  limbs  con 
tracted,  as  one  of  mine  is  now  ;  large  blue  and  even 
black  blotches  appeared  on  their  bodies  and  limbs  —  the 
gums  became  black  —  the  morbid  flesh  fell  away  —  the 
teeth  loosened,  and  in  several  instances  fell  out.  Our  minds 
were  now  really  depressed.  That  hilarity  and  fun  which 
supported  our  spirits  in  the  greatest  misfortunes,  gave 
way  to  wailings,  groanings  and  death.  I  know,  from 


1 62          Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

dire  experience,  that  when  the  body  suffers  pain,  the 
mind,  for  the  time,  is  deprived  of  all  its  exhilarations  — 
in  short,  almost  of  the  power  of  thinking.  The  elbow 
joints,  the  hips,  the  knees  and  ancles  were  most  severely 
pained.  It  was  soon  observed  (though  the  doctor's 
mate  attended  us  almost  daily,  and  very  carefully),  there 
was  little  or  no  mitigation  of  our  diseases,  except  that 
the  diarrhoea,  which  was  derived  from  another  cause 
than  that  which  produced  the  scurvy,  was  somewhat 
abated  ;  and  that  our  remedy  lay  elsewhere  in  the  materia 
medica  which  was  beyond  the  grasp  of  the  physician.  The 
diarrhoea  came  from  the  nature  of  the  water  we  used 
daily.  In  the  month  of  April  the  snows  begin  to  melt, 
not  by  the  heat  of  the  sun,  but  most  probably  by  the 
warmth  of  the  earth  beneath  the  snows.  The  ground, 
saturated  with  the  snow-water,  naturally  increased  the 
fountain-head  in  the  cellar.  Literally,  we  drank  the 
melted 'snow.  The  scurvy  had  another  origin.  The 
diet  —  salt  pork,  infamous  biscuit  —  damp  and  close  con 
finement  in  a  narrow  space,  together  with  the  severity 
of  the  climate,  were  the  true  causes,  of  the  scurvy. 

There  was  no  doubt  in  any  reflective  mind  among  us, 
but  that  the  virtuous  and  beneficent  Carleton,  taking 
into  view  his  perilous  predicament,  did  every  thing  for 
us,  which  an  honest  man  and  a  good  Christian  could. 

An  observation  may  be  made  in  this  place  with  pro 
priety,  that  is,  that  in  the  climates  of  all  high  southern 
or  northern  regions,  the  soil  is  very  rich  and  prolific. 
This  beneficial  operation  of  nature,  is,  in  all  likelihood  at 
tributable  to  the  nitrous  qualities  which  the  snow  deposits. 
Of  the  fact  that  nitre  is  the  principal  ingredient  which 
causes  fertility  in  the  earth,  no  man  of  observation  can 
at  this  day  reasonably  doubt.  The  earth  is  replete  of 
it.  Wherever  earth  and  shade  unite,  it  is  engendered 
and  becomes  apparent.  This  idea  is  proved  by  the  cir 
cumstance  that  nitre  may  be  procured  from  caves,  the 
earth  of  cellars,  outhouses,  and  even  from  common  earth, 
if  kept  under  cover.  During  the  late  revolution,  when 


Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775.          163 

powder  was  so  necessary,  we  every  where  experienced 
the  ^ood  effects  of  this  mineralogical  discovery  ;  it  gives 
me  pleasure  to  say  that  it  is  most  fairly  ascribable  to  our 
German  ancestors.  The  snows  which  usually  fall  in 
Canada  about  the  middle  of  November,  and  generally 
cover  the  ground  until  the  end  of  April,  in  my  opinion, 
fill  the  soil  with  those  vegetative  salts,  which  forward 
the  growth  of  plants.  This  idea  was  evinced  to  me  by 
my  vague  and  inconsiderate  mind,  from  observations 
then  made,  and  which  were  more  firmly  established  by 
assurances  from  Captain  Prentis,  that  muck  or  manure, 
which  we  employ  in  southern  climates,  is  there  never 
used.  In  that  country,  the  moment  the  ground  is  freed 
from  snow,  the  grass  and  every  species  of  plant,  spring 
forward  in  the  most  luxuriant  manner.  Captain  Prentis, 
besides  the  continuation  of  his  care  and  friendship  to 
Gibson  and  myself,  did  not  restrain  his  generosity  to 
individuals,  but  procured  for  us  a  permission  from  go 
vernment,  to  send  out  an  old  Irishman,  of  the  New 
York  line,  an  excellent  catholic,  to  collect  for  us  vege 
table  food.  The  first  specimen  of  this  good  old  man's 
attention  and  industry,  was  the  production  of  a  large 
basket-full  of  the  ordinary  blue  grass  of  our  country  ; 
this  grass,  by  those  who  got  at  it,  was  devoured 
ravenously  at  the  basket,  if  so  happy  as  to  be  able 
to  come  near  it.  Scurvy  grass,  in  many  varieties, 
eschalots,  small  onions,  onion-tops  and  garlic,  suc 
ceeded,  and  were  welcomed  by  all  of  us  for  several 
months  afterwards.  This  voracious  appetite  for  vege 
tables,  seems  to  be  an  incident  always  concurring  in  that 
terrible  disease,  the  scurvy  ;  nature  seems  to  instil  into 
the  patient,  a  desire  of  such  food,  and  of  acids,  which  are 
the  only  specific,  with  a  due  attention  to  cleanliness, 
hitherto  discovered,  that  do  eradicate  the  stamina  of  the 
disease.  From  my  contracted  knowledge,  it  is  imper 
ceptible  that  there  is  any  material  discrepancy  between 
the  sea-scurvy  and  the  land-scurvy  of  high  southern  and 
northern  latitudes.  The  descriptions  given  by  Robins 


164          Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

(or  if  you  please,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Walter),  and  other  voy 
agers,  of  the  causes,  the  symptoms  and  the  effects  of 
that  disorder,  seem  to  concur  in  everv  particular  with 
our  various  experience  at  Quebec.  Recollect  it  is  not 
a  physician  who  speaks.1 

About  the  time  above  spoke  of  Governor  Carleton 
directed  that  we  should  be  supplied  with  fresh  beef. 
This  was  no  other  than  that  which  had  been  brought 
into  the  city  when  we  lay  at  Aux-Tremble,  in  the 
foregoing  autumn,  and  in  aid  of  the  stores  of  the  garri 
son.  It  had  lain  in  a  frozen  state  during  the  winter, 
without  salting,  but  now  as  warm  weather  was  approach 
ing,  it  began  to  thaw  and  was  liberally  disposed  of  to 
the  garrison  and  prisoners.  The  beef  was  sweet, 
though  here  and  there  a  little  blueish,  like  the  mould  of 
stale  bread,  very  tender,  but  somewhat  mawkish.  It 
was  palatable  and  nutritive  to  men  afflicted  as  we  were. 
This  beef,  connected  with  vegetables,  soon  animated  us 
with  an  idea  of  returning  health  and  vigor  ;  yet,  though 
it  mitigated  the  pains  we  endured,  it  did  not  totally  ex 
pel  the  scurvy. 

The  seventh  of  May  arrived.  Two  ships  came  to 
the  aid  of  the  garrison,  beating  through  a  body  of  ice, 
which  perhaps  was  impervious  to  any  other  than  the  in 
trepid  sailor.  This  relief  of  men  and  stores,  created 
great  joy  in  the  town.  Our  army  began  their  disorderly 
retreat.  My  friend  Simpson,  with  his  party,  were 
much  misused,  from  a  neglect  of  giving  him  information 
of  the  intended  flight  of  our  army.  Some  few  of  the 
men  under  his  authority,  straggled  and  were  taken  in  the 
retreat.  They  came  to  inhabit  our  house.  Now,  for 
the  first  time,  we  heard  an  account  of  the  occurrences 
during  the  winter's  blockade,  which  to  us,  though  of 


1  The  late  Captain  Thomas  Boyd,  the  strongest  and  largest  man  among 
us,  when  coming  to  the  air,  frequently  fainted  ;  one  Rothrock,  of  Morgan's, 
had  so  fetid  a  breath  that  it  was  disgusting  to  enter  the  room  he  inhabited  ; 
one  of  Lamb's  company  lost  his  gums  and  some  of  his  teeth,  all  were  loose, 
of  which  I  am  certain  as  his  mouth  was  examined  by  me. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.          165 

trivial  import,  were  immensely  interesting.  The  sally 
of  this  day,  produced  to  the  prisoners  additional  comfort. 
Though  the  troops  took  a  severe  revenge  upon  our 
friends  without,  by  burning  and  destroying  their  pro 
perties.  The  next  day,  more  ships  and  troops  arrived  ; 
a  pursuit  took  place,  the  effect  of  which  was  of  no  con 
sequence,  except  so  far  as  it  tended  to  expel  the  colonial 
troops  from  Canada.  To  the  prisoners,  this  retreat  had 
pleasing  consequences  ;  fresh  bread,  beef  newly  slaugh 
tered,  and  a  superabundance  of  vegetables,  was  a  salu 
tary  diet  to  our  reduced  and  scorbutic  bodies.  Still 
freedom,  that  greatest  of  blessings,  and  exercise  were  re 
quired  to  bring  back  to  us  genuine  health.  About  this 
time  an  incident  occurred,  which  threw  us  into  ecstasy, 
as  it  relieved  our  minds  and  faculties  from  a  most  tortur 
ing  piece  of  preservative  duty  ;  this  was  no  other  than 
an  authoritative  divestment  of  the  irons.  One  day, 
perhaps  the  fifteenth  or  eighteenth  of  May,  Colonel  Mac 
lean,  attended  by  Major  Carleton,  a  younger  brother  of 
the  general's,  Major  Maibaum,1  a  German  officer,  both 
of  whom  had  just  arrived  from  Europe,  together  with 
Captain  Prentis,  and  other  officers,  entered  the  jail  about 
mid-day.  The  prisoners  paraded  in  the  jail-yard  com 
pletely  ironed.  Captain  Prentis,  by  the  direction  of 


1  This  gentleman  was  six  feet  and  four  or  five  inches  high  and  as  well  pro 
portioned.  His  disposition  was  a  kindly  one.  He  spoke  his  own  language 
admirably,  and  French  fluently,  but  no  English.  Knowing  from  his  mili 
tary  dress  and  manners,  that  he  was  a  German,  I  was  induced  to  address 
him  in  that  language.  He  appeared  astonished,  yet  pleased  at  hearing  his 
own  tongue  from  an  American  lad,  inquired  concerning  Pennsylvania,  our 
way  to  Quebec,  etc.,  but  seemed  apprehensive  of  the  jealousy  of  the  English 
officials,  who  did  not  understand  us.  The  Baron  Knyphausen  wanted  an 
interpreter.  Captain  Prentis,  who  was  really  my  friend,  made  me  the  pro 
position,  as  from  the  Baron,  and  used  various  arguments  to  induce  a  com 
pliance,  all  of  which  were  spurned.  In  1778  or  1779,  I  had  again  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  the  major  at  Lancaster,  in  the  company  of  my  father, 
but  he  was  then  a  prisoner.  —  Henry. 

This  is  supposed  to  have  been  Major  Juste  Christoph  von  Maibom,  who 
was  taken  prisoner  at  Bennington,  and  died  at  Wolfenbuttel,  duchy  of 
Brunswick,  in  Germany,  17  Feb.,  1804. —  M.. 


1 66         Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

Colonel  Maclean,  pointed  out  to  the  other  officers : 
"  This  is  general  such-a-one,  —  that  is  colonel  such-a- 
one,"  and  in  this  manner  proceeded  to  name  all  the 
leading  characters.  Happening  to  be  very  near  the 
amiable,  it  might  be  said,  admirable  Major  Carleton, 
he  was  overheard  to  say,  "  Colonel,  ambition  is  laudable  ; 
cannot  the  irons  of  these  men  be  struck  off?"  This 
the  colonel  ordered  to  be  done  immediately.  Our 
kind-hearted  blacksmith  was  not  distant :  he  came  and 
the  officers  remained  to  see  some  of  the  largest  bolts 
divested,  and  then  left  us.  "  Come,  come,  gentlemen," 
said  the  blacksmith,  "  you  can  put  off  your  irons."  In 
a  minute,  the  vast  pile  lay  before  him.  Being  now  at 
full  bodily  liberty,  we  completed  a  ball  court,  which  had 
been  originally  formed,  as  it  were,  by  stealth.  Here  a 
singular  phenomenon  which  attends  the  scurvy,  dis 
covered  itself.  The  venerable  and  respectable  Maybin 
had  recommended  to  us  exercise,  not  only  as  a  mean  of 
cure,  but  as  a  preventive  of  the  scorbutic  humors  operat 
ing.  Four  of  the  most  active  would  engage  at  a  game 
of  fives.  Having  played  some  games  in  continuation,  if 
a  party  incautiously  sat  down,  he  was  seized  by  the 
most  violent  pains  in  the  hips  and  knees,  which  incapa 
citated  him  from  play  for  many  hours,  and  from  rising 
from  the  earth,  where  the  patient  had  seated  himself. 
These  pains  taught  us  to  keep  afoot  all  day,  and  even  to 
eat  our  food  in  an  erect  posture.  Going  to  bed  in  the 
evening,  after  a  hard  day's  play,  those  sensations  of 
pain  upon  lying  down,  immediately  attacked  us.  The 
pain  would  continue  half  an  hour,  and  often  longer. 
My  own  experience  will  authorize  me  to  say  two  hours. 
In  the  morning,  we  rose  free  from  pain,  and  the  routine 
of  play  and  fatigue  ensued,  but  always  attended  by  the 
same  effects,  particularly  to  the  stubborn  and  incautious, 
who  would  not  adhere  to  the  wholesome  advice  of  Doctor 
Maybin.  Those  who  were  inactive,  retained  those  ex 
cruciating  pains  to  the  last,  together  with  their  distorted, 
bloated,  and  blackened  limbs.  Upon  our  return  from 


Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775.          167 

Canada,  in  the  autumn  of  1776,  I  saw  five  or  six  of  my 
crippled  compatriots  hobbling  through  the  streets  of 
Lancaster  on  their  way  home.  It  cost  a  tear  —  all  that 
could  be  given.  By  the  month  of  August,  the  active 
were  relieved  from  those  pains. 

Towards  the  end  of  May,  Governor  Carleton  ordered 
each  of  the  prisoners  a  linen  shirt.  This  gift,  to  me, 
was  most  agreeable,  as  linen  next  the  skin,  for  some 
months  past,  was  unfelt,  and  few  persons  who  have  not 
felt  the  extremity  of  such  endurances  as  ours,  can  form 
a  full  conception  of  the  gratification  we  enjoyed.  Having 
had  but  one  shirt  on  at  the  time  of  our  capture,  it  was 
soon  destroyed  by  the  wearing,  and  the  repeated  washings 
it  required.  Delicacy  forbids  a  dilation  upon  the  cause 
and  effects.  You  would  laugh  at  the  description  of  one 
of  our  washing  parties.  Rising  early,  the  prime  object 
was  to  make  a  strong  ley  of  wood  ashes,  of  which  we 
had  plenty,  into  which  the  linen  was  plunged,  and  con 
cocted  for  an  hour  or  more,  under  a  hope  of  putting  an 
end  to  certain  vagrants,  of  a  genera  with  which  most  of 
us  are  acquainted.  During  the  boiling,  the  votaries  of 
cleanliness,  cloaked  in  a  blanket,  or  blanket  coat,  watched 
the  ebullitions  of  the  kettle.  The  boiling  done,  the 
linen  was  borne  to  the  yard,  where  each  one  washed  his 
own,  and  watched  it  during  the  drying,  almost  in  a  state 
of  nature.  Captain  Prentis,  pitying  my  sad  condition, 
pressed  upon  me  often  to  accept  from  him,  money  to 
purchase  a  suit  of  clothes,  and  he  would  trust  to  the 
honor  and  integrity  of  my  father  for  payment,  whose 
character  he  knew.  Adhering  to  my  first  determination, 
this  polite  and  generous  proposal  of  my  amiable  and  de 
serving  friend  was  as  often,  yet  most  thankfully  declined, 
maugre  the  advice  of  my  bosom  friends  Boyd  and 
Cunningham  to  the  contrary.  He  however  forced  upon 
me  a  half  Johannes.  This  small  sum  was  applied  to  the 
solace  of  my  heart.  In  the  first  place,  to  an  article  still 
more  necessary  than  a  shirt.  The  residue  was  expended 
upon  matters  which  cheered  the  hearts  of  my  messmates, 


1 68          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

whom  I  dearly  loved  ;  cheese,  sugar,  tea,  coffee,  etc., 
spirits  was  detested,  as  we  knew  it  to  be  a  poison  to 
scorbutic  persons.  What  pleased  me  much  more,  and 

Sve  me  pure  delight,  was  the  following  occurrence : 
f  my  own  accord,  no  one  knowing  of  the  intention, 
the  good  old  Irishman  was  delegated  to  purchase  three 
or  four  pounds  of  tobacco.  It  was  secretly  brought, 
and  as  secretly  borne  to  our  room.  A  pound  was  pro 
duced  and  fairly  parted  among  our  tobacco  chewers. 
You  cannot  conceive  theirjoy.  When  the  first  paroxysm 
was  over,  the  remainder  was  disposed  of  in  the  same 
way.  The  thankfulness  of  those  brave,  but  destitute 
men,  arose  towards  me,  nearly  to  adoration.  You  will 
ask  why  ?  Hear  the  reason.  From  your  small  knowlege 
of  mankind,  you  can  have  little  conception  of  the  force 
habit  has  on  the  human  race.  One  who  chews,  smokes 
or  snuffs  tobacco,  is  as  little  able  to  abstain  from  that 
enjoyment,  as  you  would  be,  if  compelled  to  refrain  from 
your  usual  meals.  This  particular  is  spoken  of,  to 
persuade  you  by  no  mean  to  use  tobacco  in  any  shape. 
It  is  a  poison,  of  the  most  inveterate  kind,  which  like 
opium,  arsenic,  and  several  other  medicaments,  may  be 
applied  to  healthful  purposes,  yet,  if  employed  in  an 
extreme  degree,  produces  instantaneous  death.  These 
ideas  are  not  visionary,  but  are  supportable  by  the  authority 
of  some  of  the  best  physicians.  You  are  at  full  liberty 
to  put  your  own  constructions  upon  these  observations. 
But  to  return  to  my  fellow-prisoners. 

In  the  wilderness  where  the  army  soon  run  out  the 
article  of  tobacco,  the  men  had  many  valuable  succeda- 
neums.  The  barks  of  the  different  kinds  of  firs,  the 
cedar,  the  red  willow,1  and  the  leaves  of  many  astrm.- 


1  Red  willow  (Salix  purpurea).  This  shrub,  which  is  a  native  of  the- 
United  States,  is  spread  throughout  our  climates.  The  outer  bark  of  a  deep 
red  color,  peels  in  a  very  thin  scale,  the  inner  is  scraped  off  with  a  knife, 
and  is  dried  either  in  the  sun  or  over  the  fire.  The  scent  when  burning, 
is  delightful.  To  increase  the  flavor,  the  Indians  pluck  the  current  year's- 
branches  of  the  upland  sumach,  and  dry  it  in  bunches  over  the  smoke  of 


Campaign  against  ghtevec,  1775.          169 

gent  or  bitter  plants  supplied  the  place  ;  but  within  the 
bare  walls  of  our  jail  there  was  no  substitute  for  this 
dear  and  inebriating  vegetable.  Thus  was  all  my  money 
expended  and  much  to  my  satisfaction  and  to  the  heart 
felt  pleasure  of  my  brave  and  worthy  companions,  whose 
sufferings  in  certain  points,  were  greater  than  my  own. 
The  table  of  the  virtuous  and  generous  Prentis  had 
often  furnished  me  liberally  with  wholesome  viands. 
With  convalescency,  though  pennyless,  we  again  became 
merry  and  lighthearted. 

In  the  beginning  of  August  we  were  told  by  Captain 
Premis,  that  the  governor  had  concluded  to  send  us  by 
sea  to  New  York  upon  parole  for  the  purpose  of  being 
exchanged  ;  that  the  transports  which  had  brought  the 
late  reinforcements  from  Europe,  were  cleansing  and 
preparing  for  the  voyage.  Now  there  was  exultation. 
On  the  seventh  of  August  we  subscribed  our  written 


a  fire.  A  half"  part  of  red-willow  bark,  added  to  as  much  of  the  dryed 
sumach  forms  the  killiknick.  Those  ingredients  added  to  a  third  part  of 
leaf  tobacco,  and  the  mass  rubbed  finely  together  in  the  palm  of  the  hand, 
makes  that  delicious  fume,  so  fascinating  to  the  red,  and  also  to  the  white 
men.  Care  must  be  taken  by  the  consumer,  not  to  use  the  swamp  sumach 
(Rbus  vernix^for  the  upland  (Rbus  glabrum)  as  the  former  is  most  poison 
ous,  and  resembles  the  latter,  in  the  bark  and  leaf  so  much,  that  an  in 
curious  eye  might  be  deceived.  The  difference  to  a  stranger  may  be 
distinctively  marked  by  observing  that  the  bunch  of  berries  of  the  upland 
sumach,  is  a  cone  closely  attached  to  each  other,  and  when  ripe  of  a  reddish 
color.  The  berries  of  the  swamp  sumach  hang  loosely  pendant,  from  a 
lengthy  foot-stalk,  and  when  ripe,  are  of  a  greenish-gray  :  at  least  I  never 
saw  the  berry  in  any  other  state.  The  unhappy  person  who  would  em 
ploy  the  swamp  sumach  in  smoking,  would  forfeit  his  eyesight.  This  truth 
I  had  from  Natanis  in  Canada,  and  it  has  since,  many  years  ago,  been  con 
firmed  to  me  by  the  celebrated  Seneca,  The  Cornplanter.  You  know 
the  experience  of  our  own  family,  when  clearing  the  swamp,  as  to  the 
deleterious  qualities  of  the  wood  as  fuel  :  your  mother  suffered  greatly 
from  its  poisonous  vapors.  The  moose-deer  prefer  the  red-willow  as  food  j 
we  most  frequently  observed  them  in  its  neighborhood.  The  vanilla  of 
South  America,  has  been  applied  by  the  Spanish  manufactors  of  tobacco, 
in  various  ways  :  it  is  strange,  that  we  have  never  assayed  the  killikinick. — 
Henry. 

15 


170          Campaign  against  Quebec^  1775. 

paroles.1  Captain  Prentis  procured  me  permission  from 
government  with  a  few  friends  to  traverse  the  city.  An 
officer  of  the  garrison  attended  us.  Our  first  desire 
was  to  see  the  grave  of  our  general,  and  those  of  his 
aids,  as  well  as  those  of  the  beloved  Hendricks  and 
Humphreys.  The  graves  were  within  a  small  place  of 
interment,  neatly  walled  with  stone.  The  coffins  of 
Montgomery,  Cheeseman  and  M'Pherson,  were  well 
arranged  side  by  side.  Those  of  Hendricks,  Humphreys, 
Cooper,  etc.,  were  arranged  on  the  south  side  of  the 
inclosure,  but  as  the  burials  of  these  heroes  took  place 
in  a  dreary  winter,  and  the  earth  impenetrable,  there  was 
but  little  soil  on  the  coffins,  the  snow  and  ice  which  had 
been  the  principal  covering  being  now  dissolved,  the 
foot  of  the  general's  coffin  was  exposed  to  the  air  and 
view.  The  coffin  was  well  formed  of  fir  plank.  Cap 
tain  Prentis  assured  me  that  the  graves  should  be 
deepened  and  the  bodies  duly  deposited  ;  for  he  also 
knew  Montgomery  as  a  fellow  soldier,  and  lamented  his 
untimely  fate.  Thence  we  proceeded  past  the  citadel, 
along  the  ramparts  to  Cape  Diamond,  descended  the 
declivity  slantingly,  and  examined  the  stockades  and 
block  house.  It  is  this  little  tour  which  enabled  me  to 
describe  to  you  the  site  and  defences  of  that  formidable 
pass.  Proceeding  thence  through  a  part  of  the  lower 
town,  we  came  to  a  narrow  street  which  led  us  to  an 
immense  stair  way,  one  of  the  ascents  into  the  upper 
town.  Ascending  here  we  came  to  the  main  passage, 
which  curvatured  down  the  hill  into  the  lower  town, 


1  It  will  perhaps  be  proper  to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  parole  exacted  at 
that  time.  "  We  whose  names  are  hereunder  written,  do  solemnly  promise 
and  engage,  to  his  Excellency  General  Carleton,  not  to  say  or  do  any  thing 
against  his  majesty's  person  or  government  5  and  to  repair,  whenever  re 
quired  so  to  do  by  his  excellency,  or  any  of  his  majesty's  commanders  in 
chief  in  America,  doth  please  to  direct,  in  testimony  of  which,  we  have 
hereunto  set  our  hands  this  day  at  Quebec.  August  yth,  1776. 

J.  J.  H.  &c." 

I  received  the  original  paper  in  1778,  in  consequence  of  an  exchange  of 
the  St.  John's  prisoners  for  us. —  Henry. 


Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775.          171 

and  which  was  to  lead  us  in  our  supposed  attack  upon 
the  upper  town  ;  this  we  pursued  and  came  to  the  place 
of  the  second  barrier,  which  had  been  lately  demolished. 
The  houses  on  both  sides  of  the  street  in  which  we  had 
taken  our  stand,  were  now  in  ruins,  having  been  burnt 
by  the  garrison  as  were  the  suburbs  of  St.  Roque  and 
St.  Johns.  This  was  done  to  render  them  unfit  for  the 
shelter  of  future  assailants.  Thus  it  is  that  war  destroys 
the  wealth  and  robs  the  individual  of  happiness.  We 
had  no  time  to  make  observations  but  such  as  could  be 
done  in  passing  hastily.  Returning  to  the  upper  town 
by  the  principal  and  winding  road,  we  were  strongly  im 
pressed  with  the  opinion  that  if  our  whole  force,  as  was 
intended,  had  formed  a  junction  in  the  lower  town,  that 
it  was  utterly  impracticable,  either  from  our  numbers  or 
our  means,  to  mount  by  a  road  such  as  this  was.  Sup 
pose  it  not  to  have  been  barricaded  and  enfiladed  by 
cannon,  it  must  be  assailed  by  the  bayonet,  of  which 
weapon  we  had  very  few  and  the  enemy  was  fully  sup 
plied.  But  when  we  reflect  that  across  the  road  at  the 
centre  of  the  arc  of  each  curve  there  was  a  barricade, 
and  cannon  placed  to  rake  the  intervals  between  the 
different  barricades,  the  difficulties  of  the  ascent,  which 
is  very  steep,  would  be  increased  even  to  insurmounta 
bility.  The  road  is  very  narrow  and  lined  next  the  hill 
by  a  stupendous  precipice  ;  on  the  other  hand  there  were 
some  houses  romantically  perched  on  the  side  of  the 
declivity,  and  some  rocks.  The  declivity  of  itself  was 
an  excellent  defence  if  the  besieged  could  maintain  the 
position  in  front,  for  in  a  short  time,  in  so  confined  a 
space,  the  assailants  must  either  die,  retreat,  or  be  thrown 
down  the  hill  from  the  road.  But  suppose  all  these 
defences  overcome,  and  we  had  arrived  at  the  brow  of 
the  hill  at  the  entrance  of  the  upper  town,  here  a  still 
more  formidable  obstacle  presented  itself  than  those 
which  could  be  formed  by  art  in  the  lower  parts  of  the 
road.  At  this  place  there  is  a  hollow  way,  which  in  the 
hurry  we  were  in  and  the  slight  view  we  dared  take,  ap- 


1 72          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

peared  as  if  cut  out  of  the  solid  rock,  of  a  depth  of  thirty 
or  forty  feet.  Athwart  this  way  there  was  a  strong 
stockade  of  a  height  nearly  equal  with  the  perpendicular 
sides  of  the  way  or  gulley.  From  the  surface  above  we 
might  have  been  stoned  to  death  by  the  defenders  of  the 
fortress  without  a  probability  of  their  receiving  harm 
from  us  below,  though  ever  so  well  armed.  But  the 
stockade  itself,  from  its  structure  and  abundant  strength, 
would  have  resisted  a  force  manifold  our  numbers,  and 
much  better  supplied  and  accoutred.  From  these  observ 
ations  (those  of  an  uninstructed  youth  to  be  sure), 
there  was  no  hesitation  in  telling  my  intimate  friends, 
then  and  since,  that  the  scheme  of  the  conquest  of  the 
upper  town  was  visionary  and  groundless  ;  not  the  result 
of  our  dear  general's  reflections,  but  forced  upon  him  by 
the  nature  and  necessities  of  the  times  and  his  disagree 
able  predicament.  If  a  coalition  of  our  forces  in  the 
lower  town  had  taken  effect,  the  general  would  then 
most  probably  have  developed  his  latent  and  real  plans. 
The  reasons  given  in  council  may  have  been  promul 
gated  merely  to  induce  a  more  spirited  exertion  upon 
the  part  of  the  officers  and  soldiery,  who  were  not  in  the 
secret,  to  excite  a  factitious  valor.  Getting  into  serious 
action  and  warmed  by  the  opposition  of  the  enemy,  the 
troops  might  have  been  induced  to  persevere  in  any 
apparently  sudden  design  of  the  general.  The  cupidity 
of  the  soldiers  had  been  played  upon.  This  latter  fact 
is  known  to  me  of  my  own  particular  knowledge.  Some 
weeks  before  the  attack  the  soldiers  in  their  common 
conversations,  spoke  of  the  conquest  of  the  city  as  a 
certainty ;  and  exultingly  of  the  plunder  they  should 
win  by  their  bravery.  It  was  not  my  business  to  con 
tradict,  but  to  urge  them  on.  Perhaps  the  setting  fire 
to  the  lower  town  on  the  side  of  Cape  Diamond,  con 
sidering  the  prevailing  wind  which  was  at  southeast, 
but  afterwards  changed  to  north  and  northwest,  such  a 
design  might  have  been  effected.  The  shipping  also 
ice-bound,  numerous  and  valuable,  moored  around  the 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.          173 

point,  would  have  been  consumable.  All  this  destruc 
tion  would  have  been  a  victory  of  no  mean  kind  ;  but 
adding  eclat  to  the  known  gallantry  and  prowess  of  the 
general.  The  Almighty  willed  that  we  should  never 
know  the  pith  or  marrow  of  his  projects  ;  whatever  they 
were,  my  mind  is  assured  that  they  were  considerately 
and  well  designed.  He  was  not  a  man  to  act  incau 
tiously  and  without  motive,  and  too  honest  and  brave 
to  adopt  a  sinister  part.  No  doubt  we  could  have 
escaped  by  the  way  of  St.  Roque,  protected  by  the 
smoke  of  the  conflagration,  and  the  terror  and  bustle 
which  would  consequently  be  created  in  the  town. 
Though  this  pass  is  too  narrow  for  the  operation  of  a 
large  body  of  men  in  an  extended  front,  still  we  should 
have  been  too  numerous  (under  the  circumstances  sup 
posed),  for  the  enemy  to  afford  a  force  issuing  from 
palace  gate,  adequate  to  oppose  us.  In  the  next  instance 
if  we  should  happen  to  be  so  very  fortunate  in  such  a 
retreat,  as  to  bat  the  foes,  they  must  retreat  into  the  city 
by  the  way  of  palace  gate,  and  we  should  have  entered 
pell-mell,  and  should  thus  have  achieved  the  possession 
of  that  important  place,  the  upper  town,  which  was  the 
primary  view  and  last  hope  of  the  general  and  the  army. 
These  were  the  crude  notions  of  a  youth  formed  upon 
the  spot,  but  in  a  maturation  of  thirty  years,  are  still 
retained. 

The  general  did  not  want  for  information.  Many 
persons,  male  and  female  (unnecessary  mouths),  were 
expelled  the  city,  to  wander  for  subsistence  among  their 
friends  in  the  country.  His  own  knowledge  of  Quebec, 
where  he  had  served,  would  enable  him  by  interrogation 
to  extort  from  those  emigrants  a  full  stock  of  inform 
ation  of  all  the  new  defences  erected  by  Governor  Carleton 
since.  Consequently,  knowing  the  practicability  of 
Cape  Diamond  {Aunce  de  mere,  which  must  be  provin 
cial,  and  I  do  not  understand),  as  an  entrance  to  the 
lower  town  (but  a  most  dangerous  one),  and  that  ol 
St.  Roque,  with  which  and  its  barriers,  he  was  particularfy 


174          Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775. 

acquainted,  from  his  own,  and  the  observations  of  others  ; 
if  so,  he  would  most  assuredly  be  informed  of  the  defens 
ive  obstructions  on  the  slope  of  the  hill,  and  the  encloy- 
ment  of  the  troops,  which  would  in  consequence  attend  ; 
and  he  would  also  know  that  this  place,  to  the  garrison, 
would  be  a  perfect  Thermopylae-,  impassable  by  ten  times 
our  numbers,  if  we  had  been  veterans  and  were  better 
furnished.  From  these  reasons,  there  was  an  induce 
ment  for  my  mind,  at  all  times  since  the  attack,  to 
conclude  that  it  was  never  General  Montgomery's  real 
design  to  conquer  the  upper  town,  by  an  invasion  from 
the  lower  town,  but  his  hidden  and  true  plan  was,  by  a 
consolidation  of  our  whole  force,  to  burn  the  lower 
town,  and  the  shipping,  and  to  retreat  by  the  way  of 
palace  gate  and  St.  Roque.  If  a  sally  was  made  at 
palace  gate,  the  event,  as  was  observed  before,  might 
be  fatal  to  the  enemy.  The  comprehensive  mind  of 
Montgomery  would  not  only  appreciate  to  the  full  ex 
tent  the  peculiar  advantages  of  the  enemy,  but  estimate 
to  its  true  value  the  means  he  possessed,  and  the  merits 
of  his  own  army.  Presuming  the  colonists  to  be  suc 
cessful  in  the  lower  town,  where  there  was  much 
wealth,  and  the  avaricious  among  us  be  in  some  degree 
gratified,  it  would  have  created  a  spirit  of  hope  and  en 
terprise  in  the  men,  tending  to  induce  them  to  remain 
with  us.  Afterwards,  combining  our  whole  force,  with 
the  reinforcements  we  had  a  prospect  of  receiving,  an 
attack  upon  the  upper  town  might  have  succeeded.  In 
a  word  the  destruction  of  the  lower  town,  in  my  appre 
hension,  should  be  considered  merely  as  preparatory  to 
a  general  assailment  of  the  upper  town,  notwithstanding 
all  that  has  been  said  in  the  memoirs  of  those  days.  A 
contrary  opinion  went  abroad  "  that  the  general,  if  he 
had  lived,  by  this  assault  would  have  conquered  Quebec." 
No  idea  could  be  more  fallacious.  It  was  politically 
right  to  keep  up  that  opinion  among  the  people  in  those 
trying  times^but  its  accomplishment,  with  our  accompani 
ment  of  men  and  defective  arms,  was  ideal.  Our  walk 


Campaign  against  Quebec,  1775.          175 

from  the  great  gate  and  palisade,  was  considerable,  ere 
we  reached  our  detestable  dwelling  ;  as  we  had  enjoyed 
a  few  hours  of  fleeting  liberty,  the  locking-up  became 
the  more  horrible  to  our  feelings.  The  next  day, 
however,  we  had  the  ineffable  pleasure  of  marching  in 
a  body  to  the  water  side,  and  embarked  on  board  five 
transports.  On  the  following  day  a  new  joy  was  in 
store  for  me.  General  William  Thompson  (of  whom 
it  might  well  be  said,  u  this  is  a  man  "),  who  had  com 
manded  our  regiment  at  Prospect  hill,  as  its  colonel:  he 
had  been  taken  prisoner  at  the  Three  rivers,  with  several 
other  officers,  in  the  preceding  month  of  June.  He  was 
now  aboard  of  our  little  fleet,  destined  to  New  York. 
Thompson  came  to  our  ship,  to  visit  the  miserable 
remnant  of  a  part  of  his  gallant  corps.  The  general  had 
a  special  message  to  me,  from  my  father,  with  whom  he, 
was  intimate.  Coming  through  Lancaster  in  his  way 
to  his  command  in  Canada,  he  was  authorized  by  my 
father,  if  he  saw  me  in  that  country,  to  furnish  me  with 
money.  The  good  man  proffered  me  four  half-johannes, 
one  only  was  accepted.  What  was  nearer  and  dearer  to 
my  heart,  was  the  information  that  my  parents,  relatives 
and  friends  were  well.  That  money  was  applied  to  the 
use  of  my  messmates,  in  the  way  of  sea-stores.  Permis 
sion  being  obtained,  Boyd  and  myself  went  ashore  ;  our 
purchases  consisted  of  a  very  large  Cheshire  cheese, 
coffee,  tea  and  sugar,  together  with  a  large  roll  of  tobacco 
for  the  men.  Again  pennyless,  jollity  and  mirth  did 
not  forsake  us. 

We  sailed  on  the  tenth  of  August,  convoyed  by  the 
Pearl  frigate,  Captain  M'Kenzie.  Passing  the  delight 
ful  island  of  Orleans,  much  in  shore,  we  observed  the 
farmers  reaping  their  wheat,  which,  as  we  run  along,  we 
could  observe  the  haum,  in  many  instances,  was  green 
towards  the  foot  of  the  stalk.  From  this  circumstance 
it  was  concluded,  that  frequently,  particularly  in  cold  or 
wet  seasons  the  grain  must  be  kiln-dried,  as  it  is  done  in 
the  north  of  England,  and  in  Scotland,  before  it  is  housed 


176          Campaign  against  Quebec ',  1775. 

and  threshed,  The  wheat,  though  sown  between  the 
fifteenth  and  twentieth  of  May,  and  probably  sometimes 
earlier  or  later,  is  weighty,  and  produces  a  very  fine 
white  flour.  The  voyage  down  the  river,  except  a  few 
boisterous  days,  was  pleasant.  We  had  some  noble 
views,  interspersed  here  and  there  with  something  like 
villages,  chapels,  and  farm-houses.  Afterwards,  we  had 
in  prospect  a  bleak  and  dreary  coast  and  country,  whose 
craggedness  inspired  disagreeable  sensations.  The  great 
est  curiosities  were  the  seals,  whose  history  and  manners 
were  then  known  to  me,  but  whose  living  form  excited 
attention,  as  they  were  creeping  up  or  basking  on  the 
rocks.  The  porpoises,  perfectly  white,  in  vast  droves 
played  before  and  around  us,  and  drew  my  attention  and 
surprise,  as  none  but  the  black  southern  porpoise  had 
before  come  under  nry  view.  To  become  a  naturalist, 
bit  is  necessary  a  man  should  travel  ;  it  was  many  years 
before  books  could  persuade  me  of  the  existence  of  a 
green-haired  monkey  ;  but  these  were  diminutive  objects 
indeed  in  nature's  scale,  of  comparative  imagery,  when 
contrasted  with  the  immense  river  Cadaracqua,  or  as  it  is 
now  called  St.  Lawrence,  second  to  no  river  in  the 
world,  unless  it  be  the  La  Plata,  of  South  America. 
Making  this  observation,  you  must  understand  me  to  in 
clude  within  it,  the  Lake  Superior,  and  the  waters  which 
feed  that  lake.  Off  Gaspy  Point,  where  we  soon 
arrived,  in  a  due  north  line,  across  the  island  of  Anti- 
costa,  the  river  is  about  ninety  miles  wide.  Steering 
with  favorable  weather,  the  island  of  St.  Johns  came  in 
view  ;  passing  it,  and  the  Gut  of  Canceaux,  experienc 
ing  some  stormy  weather  upon  the  ocean,  and  a  few 
difficulties,  we  happily  arrived  at  New  York  on  the 
eleventh  of  September,  1776,  and  anchored  three  miles 
south  of  Governor's  island.  Now  it  was,  for  the 
first  time,  that  we  heard  of  the  dilemma  in  which  our 
country  stood. 

The  battle  of  Long  Island,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of 
August,  had  been  unsuccessfully  fought  by  our  troops, 


Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775.          lll 

many  of  whom  were  prisoners.  In  such  hurrying  times, 
intercourses  between  hostile  armies  in  the  way  of  nego 
tiation  upon  any  point,  are  effected  with  difficulty.  We 
had  waited  patiently  several  weeks,  to  be  disembarked 
on  our  own  friendly  shore  ;  yet  tantalized  every  day 
with  reports  that  to-morrow  we  should  be  put  on  shore  ; 
some,  and  in  a  little  while  all,  began  to  fear  it  was  the 
intention  of  General  Howe  to  detain  us  as  prisoners  in 
opposition  to  the  good  will  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton.  This 
notion  had  so  strongly  impressed  the  minds  of  my  friend 
Doctor  Thomas  Gibson,  and  a  young  man  called  John 
Blair,  of  Hendricks,  that  they  determined  to  escape 
from  the  ship.  They  were,  both  of  them,  athletic  and 
able  bodied  men,  and  most  adroit.  Gibson  planned  the 
manner  of  escape  ;  its  ingeniousness,  hazard,  boldness 
of  execution  and  eventual  success,  received  the  applause 
of  all,  but  was  disapproved,  upon  the  principle  that  it 
trenched  upon  their  honor,  and  would  impede  our  release. 
The  story  is  this  :  Gibson  and  Blair,  in  the  evening, 
dressed  in  shirts  and  trowsers,  were  upon  the  main  deck 
with  their  customary  flapped  hats  on  their  heads.  Gib 
son  gave  me  a  squeeze  of  the  hand  in  token  of  farewell ; 
he  was  greeted  kindly,  for  he  was  the  brother  of  my 
soul.  He  and  his  companion  went  to  the  forecastle, 
where  there  were  two  large  New  Foundland  dogs,  each 
of  which  had  his  party,  or  rather  his  partizans  among 
the  crew.  These,  the  adventurers  hissed  at  each  other. 
The  dogs  being  engaged  with  their  usual  fury,  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  sailors  and  many  of  the  prisoners ; 
they  took  this  opportunity  of  stripping  and  letting  them 
selves  down  at  the  bow  into  the  water.  Leaning  over 
the  sides  of  the  ship,  in  company  of  some  friends  in  the 
secret,  and  unregardful  of  the  dogs,  we  awaited  the 
management  of  the  flight.  The  last  lighted  cloud  ap 
peared  low  in  the  west.  Something  extraordinary  passed 
along  the  side,  a  foolish  fellow  asked,  "  what  is  that  ?" 
"  a  wave,  you  fool — a  mere  deception  of  sight,"  was 
answered.  It  was  the  head  of  Gibson,  covered  by  his 


iy8          Campaign  against  Quebec  >  1775. 

large  black  hat.  Within  a  few  yards  of  Gibson  came 
Blair,  but  with  a  smaller  hat,  he  was  obvious  ;  his  white 
skin  discovered  him,  but  luckily  the  attention  of  the 
ignoramus  was  engaged  another  way.  These  daring 
men  swam  to  the  barge  at  the  stern,  entered  it,  and 
slipped  the  rope.  They  had  rowed  a  thousand  yards 
before  the  boat  was  missed.  The  other  boats  of  our 
ship,  and  of  those  near  us,  were  despatched  after  the 
runaways  ;  it  was  too  late,  the  fugitives  had  too  much  of 
a  start  to  be  easily  overtaken.  They  landed  (having 
rowed  about  five  miles), 'naked,  in  our  own  country, 
somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Bergen-neck,  and  bartered 
the  boat  for  some  ordinary  clothing.  They  waited  on 
General  Washington,  who  disapproved  of  their  demeanor. 
A  short  time  after  the  foregoing  occurrence,  a  most 
beautiful  and  luminous,  but  baleful  sight  occurred  to  us, 
that  is,  the  city  of  New  York  on  fire.  One  night 
(Sept.  22),  the  watch  on  deck  gave  a  loud  notice  of  this 
disaster.  Running  upon  deck  we  could  perceive  a  light, 
which  at  the  distance  we  were  from  it  (four  miles),  was 
apparently  of  the  size  of  the  flame  of  a  candle.  This 
light  to  me,  appeared  to  be  the  burning  of  an  old  and 
noted  tavern,  called  the  Fighting  Cock  (where,  ere  this 
I  had  lodged),  to  the  east  of  the  battery,  and  near  the 
wharf.  The  wind  was  southwardly,  and  blew  a  fresh 
gale  the  flames  at  this  place,  because  of  the  wind,  in 
creased  rapidly.  In  a  moment  we  saw  another  light  at 
a  great  distance  from  the  first,  up  the  North  river.  The 
latter  light  seemed  to  be  an  original,  distinct  and  new 
formed  fire,  near  a  celebrated  tavern  in  the  Broadway 
called  White  Hall.  Our  anxiety  for  the  fate  of  so  fine 
a  city,  caused  much  solicitude,  as  we  harbored  suspicions 
that  the  enemy  had  fired  it.  The  flames  were  fanned 
by  the  briskness  of  the  breeze,  and  drove  the  destructive 
effects  of  the  element  on  all  sides.  When  the  fire  reached 
the  spire  of  a  large  steeple,  south  of  the  tavern,  which 
was  attached  to  a  large  church,  the  effect  upon  the  eye 
was  astonishingly  grand.  If  we  could  have  divested 


Campaign  against  Quebec  ^  1775.          179 

ourselves  of  the  knowledge  that  it  was  the  property  of 
our  fellow-citizens  which  was  consuming,  the  view  might 
have  been  esteemed  sublime,  if  not  pleasing.  The  deck 
of  our  ship  for  many  hours  was  lighted  as  at  noon  day. 
In  the  commencement  of  the  conflagration  we  observed 
many  boats  putting  off  from  the  fleet,  rowing  speedily 
towards  the  city  ;  our  boat  was  of  the  number.  This 
circumstance  repelled  the  idea  that  our  enemies  were 
the  incendiaries,  for  indeed  they  professedly  went  in  aid 
of  the  inhabitants.  The  boat  returned  about  daylight, 
and  from  the  relation  of  the  officer  and  the  crew,  we 
clearly  discerned  that  the  burning  of  New  York  was  the 
act  of  some  mad-cap  Americans.  The  sailors  told  us 
in  their  blunt  manner,  that  they  had  seen  one  American 
hanging  by  the  heels  dead,  having  a  bayonet  wound 
through  his  breast.  They  named  him  by  his  Christian 
and  surname,  which  they  saw  imprinted  on  his  arm  ;  they 
averred  he  was  caught  in  the  fact  of  firing  the  houses. 
They  told  us,  also,  that  they  had  seen  one  person  who 
was  taken  in  the  fact,  tossed  into  the  fire,  and  that 
several  who  were  stealing,  and  suspected  as  incendiaries, 
were  bayonetted.  Summary  justice  is  at  no  time  laud 
able,  but  in  this  instance  it  may  have  been  correct.  If 
the  Greeks  could  have  been  resisted  at  Persepolis,  every 
soul  of  them  ought  to  have  been  massacred.  The  testi 
mony  we  received  from  the  sailors,  my  own  view  of  the 
distinct  beginnings  of  the  fire,  in  various  spots,  remote 
from  each  other,  and  the  manner  of  its  spreading,  im 
pressed  my  mind  with  the  belief  that  the  burning  of  the 
city  was  the  doings  of  the  most  low  and  vile  of  persons, 
for  the  purposes,  not  only  of  thieving,  but  of  devastation. 
This  seemed,  too,  the  general  sense,  not  only  of  the 
British,  but  that  of  the  prisoners  then  aboard  the  trans 
ports.  Laying  directly  south  of  the  city,  and  in  a  range 
with  Broadway,  we  had  a  fair  and  full  view  of  the  whole 
process.  The  persons  in  the  ships  nearer  to  the  town 
than  we  were,  uniformly  held  the  same  opinion.  It  was 
not  until  some  years  afterwards,  that  a  doubt  was  created  ; 


180          Campaign  against  Quebec ^  1775. 

but  for  the  honor  of  our  country  and  its  good  name,  an 
ascription  was  made  of  the  firing  of  the  city,  to  acci 
dental  circumstances.  It  may  be  well,  that  a  nation,  in 
the  heat  and  turbulence  of  war,  should  endeavor  to  pro 
mote  its  interests,  by  the  propagating  reports  of  its  own 
innocency  and  prowess,  and  accusing  its  enemy  of  fla 
grant  enormity  and  dastardliness  (as  was  done  in  this 
particular  case),  but  when  peace  comes,  let  us  in  God's 
name  do  justice  to  them  and  ourselves.  Baseness  and 
villainy  are  the  growth  of  all  climes,  and  of  all  nations. 
Without  the  most  numerous,  and  the  most  cogent  tes 
timony,  as  the  fact  occurred  within  my  own  view,  the 
eloquence  of  Cicero  could  not  convince  me  that  the 
firing  was  accidental.  Some  time  after  the  burning  of 
the  city,  we  understood  that  we  were  to  be  embarked  in 
shallops,  and  landed  at  Elizabethtown  point. 

The  intelligence  caused  a  sparkling  in  every  eye. 
On  the  next  day  about  noon,  we  were  in  the  boats ; 
adverse  winds  retarded  us.  It  was  ten  or  eleven  at 
night,  before  we  landed  ;  the  moon  shone  beautifully, 
Morgan  stood  in  the  bow  of  the  boat  ;  making  a  spring 
not  easily  surpassed,  and  falling  on  the  earth,  as  it  were 
to  grasp  it  —  cried  "  Oh  my  country."  We  that  were 
near  him  pursued  his  example.  Now  a  race  commenced 
which  in  quickness,  could  scarcely  be  exceeded,  and 
soon  brought  us  to  Elizabethtown.  Here,  those  of  us 
who  were  drowsy,  spent  an  uneasy  night.  Being  un 
expected  guests,  and  the  town  full  of  troops,  no  quarters 
were  provided  for  us.  Joy  rendered  beds  useless,  we 
did  not  close  our  eyes  till  daylight.  Singing,  dancing, 
the  Indian  halloo,  in  short,  every  species  of  vociferous- 
ness  was  adopted  by  the  men,  and  many  of  the  most 
respectable  sergeants,  to  express  their  extreme  pleasure. 
A  stranger  coming  among  them,  would  have  pronounced 
them  mad,  or  at  last  intoxicated  ;  though  since  noon, 
neither  food  nor  liquor  had  passed  our  lips  ;  thus  the 
passions  may  at  times  have  an  influence  on  the  human 
frame,  as  inebriating  as  wine  or  any  other  liquor.  The 


Campaign  against  Quebec ,  1775.  181 

morning  brought  us  plenty,  in  the  form  of  rations  of 
beef  and  bread.  Hunger  allayed,  my  only  desire  was 
to  proceed  homewards.  Money  was  wanting.  How  to 
obtain  it  in  a  place  where  all  my  friends  and  acquaintances 
were  alike  poor  and  destitute,  gave  me  great  anxiety  and 
pain.  Walking  up  the  street  very  melancholy,  unknow 
ing  what  to  do,  I  observed  a  wagon  built  in  the  Lancaster 
county  fashion  (which  at  that  time  was  peculiar  in  Jer 
sey),  unloading  stores  for  the  troops  come  or  coming. 
The  owner  seeing  me,  grasping  my  hand  with  fervor, 
told  me  every  one  believed  me  to  be  dead.  Telling 
him  our  story  in  a  compendious  manner,  the  good  old 
man,  without  solicitation,  presented  me  two  silver  dollars 
to  be  repaid  at  Lancaster.  They  were  gladly  received.1 
My  heart  became  easy.  The  next  day,  in  company 
with  the  late  Colonel  Febiger  and  the  present  General 
Nichols,  and  some  other  gentlemen,  we  procured  a  light 
return  wagon  which  gave  us  a  cast  as  far  as  Princeton, 
Here  we  had  the  pleasure  of  conversing  with  Dr.  With- 
erspoon,  who  was  the  first  that  informed  us  of  a  reso 
lution  of  congress  to  augment  the  army.  It  gave  u 
pleasure,  as  we  had  devoted  ourselves  individually,  tc 
the  service  of  our  country.  The  next  day,  if  not  in 
correct,  we  proceeded  on  foot,  no  carriage  of  any  kind 
being  procurable.  Night  brought  us  up  at  a  farm-house 
somewhere  near  Bristol.  The  owner  was  one  of  us,  that 
is,  a  genuine  whig.  He  requested  us  to  tarry  all  night, 
which  we  declined.  He  presented  us  a  supper  that  was 
gratefully  received.  Hearing  our  story,  he  was  much 
affected.  We  then  tried  to  prevail  on  him  to  take  us  to 
Philadelphia  in  his  light  wagon.  It  was  objected  that  it 
stood  loaded  with  hay  in  the  barn  floor  ;  his  sons  were 
asleep  or  abroad.  We  removed  these  objections  by 
unloading  the  hay  while  this  good  citizen  prepared  the 


1  Who  do  you  think  this  was  ?  Why  Stephen  Lutz,  of  Lancaster  — 
poor  but  industrious.  I  have  thanked  him  a  thousand  times  since,  and 
have  had  the  pleasure  of  obliging  him. —  Henry. 

16 


1 82  Campaign  against  Quebec •,  1775. 

horses.  Mounting,  we  arrived  at  the  Harp  and  Crown 
about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  To  us  it  was  most 
agreeable  that  we  passed  through  the  streets  of  Philadel 
phia  in  the  night  time,  as  our  clothing  was  not  only 
threadbare  but  shabby.  Here  we  had  friends  and  funds. 
A  gentleman  advanced  me  a  sum  sufficient  to  enable  me 
to  exchange  my  leggins  and  moccasins,  for  a  pair  of 
stockings  and  shoes,  and  to  bear  my  expenses  home.  A 
day  and  a  half  brought  me  to  the  arms  of  my  beloved 
parents. 

At  Philadelphia,  I  waited  upon  a  cousin  of  my  mother's, 
Mr.  Owen  Biddle,  then  a  member  of  the  council  of 
safety,  who  informed  me  that  while  in  captivity,  he  had 
procured  me  a  lieutenancy.  My  heart  was  otherwise 
engaged.  Morgan  the  hero  !  had  promised  and  obtained 
forme,  a  captaincy  in  the  Virginia  line.  Following  the 
fortunes  of  that  bold  and  judicious  commander,  my  name 
might  have  been  emblazoned  in  the  rolls  of  patriotic 
fame.  But  alas  !  in  the  course  of  eight  weeks  after  my 
return  from  captivity,  a  slight  cold,  caught  when  skating 
on  the  ice  of  the  Susquehanna,  or  in  pursuing  the  wild- 
turkey  among  the  Kittatinny  hills,  put  an  end  to  all  my 
visionary  schemes  of  ambition.  This  cause  renewed 
that  abominable  disorder,  the  scurvy  (which  I  had  sup 
posed  was  expelled  from  my  system),  accompanied  by 
every  morbid  symptom,  which  had  been  so  often  observed 
at  Quebec,  attendant  upon  others.  The  medical  men 
of  all  classes,  being  engaged  in  the  army,  that  species 
of  assistance  was  unattainable,  in  the  degree  requisite; 
lameness,  as  you  now  observe  it,  was  the  consequence. 
Would  to  God  !  my  extreme  sufferings  had  then  ended 
a  life,  which  since  has  been  a  tissue  of  labor,  pain,  and 
misery. 


THE  END. 


APPENDIX. 


The  following  letters  written  from  Canada  respecting 
the  Invasion  of  that  Province  by  Arnold  and  Mont 
gomery,  are  taken  from  the  Pennsylvania  Journal  and 
Weekly  Advertiser,  Jan.  3,  1776. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  an  officer  under   Col.   Arnold^   dated  at  Point  aux 
Tremble  (in  Canada],  Nov.  21,   1775.  • 

"  The  last  letter  I  wrote  you  was  from  the  Dead  river,  Oct.  24,  which  'tis 
probable  you  have  never  received.  At  that  time  our  difficulties  seemed  to 
increase.  We  had  a  very  rapid  river  to  encounter  with  our  boats,  and  a 
thick  wilderness  for  those  that  marched  by  land  ;  many  places,  some  miles 
in  length,  of  cedar  swamp,  hills,  etc.,  but  all  these  were  tolerable  while  our 
provisions  were  plenty.  At  the  head  of  Chaudiere  lake,  which  is  an  hun 
dred  and  some  miles  from  the  Canadian  settlements,  every  man  received 
his  allowance  of  flour,  and  there  was  exactly  four  pints  to  each.  Meat 
there  was  none.  Upon  this  small  supply  we  were  obliged  to  push  as  we 
valued  our  lives,  and  did  not  know  but  we  should  have  a  powerful  army  to 
encounter.  Then  I  first  experienced  the  real  advantage  of  health,  being 
able  to  keep  pace  with  the  foremost,  and  reached  the  inhabitants,  though 
in  a  very  weak,  half  starved  condition.  Some  dogs  that  had  followed  us 
were  killed  and  eat,  even  the  intestines,  skin,  etc.  Many  eat  their  shoes, 
shot  pouches,  etc.,  and  some  never  reached  the  settlements  ;  I  believe  no 
men  ever  went  through  more  or  greater  hardships.  Col.  Enos,  who  com 
manded  the  fourth  or  last  division  of  our  little  army,  called  a  council  o' 
war  at  his  entrance  into  the  Dead  river,  and  he  with  his  whole  party,  cor 
sisting  of  three  companies,  returned  back  5  this  first  caused  our  distress,  a. 
chief  of  our  provision  was  in  the  rear  under  his  care.  From  the  last  Eng 
lish  inhabitants  in  the  province  of  Maine,  to  the  Canadian  settlements,  we 
were  thirty-two  days  marching,  and  never  saw  any  human  being  but  those 
of  our  party,  neither  do  I  think  it  was  ever  passed,  except  by  Indians  and 
wild  beasts.  We  were  at  least  one  month  too  late  for  this  northern  cli 
mate,  as  we  suffered  much  from  rains,  cold,  snow,  etc.,  but  our  joy  upon 
our  arrival  among  the  Canadians  is  inexpressible,  and  their  kindness  and 
hospitality  soon  made  amends  for  all  our  fatigue,  though  I  am  sensible  it 
will  never  be  forgotten.  From  the  first  inhabitants  up  Chaudiere  river,  to 
Quebec,  is  called  ninety  miles.  We  were  not  permitted  to  tarry  at  any 
place,  but  marched  on  as  fast  as  our  strength  would  permit  to  Point  Levi, 


184  Appendix. 


which  is  on  the  river  St.  Lawrence  directly  opposite  to  Quebec,  where  we 
found  a  number  of  armed  vessels,  from  whom  we  were  frequently  compli 
mented  with  salutes  of  their  cannon. 

"  The  country  we  last  passed  through  was  very  thick  settled,  though 
every  where  you  see  marks  of  oppression.  The  people  are  poor  and  illiterate 
and  appear  to  have  no  other  end  in  view  than  keeping  their  souls  and  bodies 
together,  and  preparing  for  the  next  world,  being  exceedingly  devout.  We 
tarried  at  Point  Levi  near  a  week,  during  which  time  we  were  busy  in  pre 
paring  to  cross  the  river,  being  obliged  to  purchase  birch  canoes  twenty 
miles  distant  and  carry  them  by  land,  the  regulars  at  Quebec  having  burnt 
all  near  them  as  soon  as  they  heard  of  our  coming.  The  men  of  war  lay 
in  such  a  manner  as  they  supposed  would  prevent  our  attempt,  but  on 
Monday  the  i  3th  inst.,  every  thing  was  ready  for  our  embarkation,  and  at 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  being  very  dark,  the  first  division  set  off,  and 
we  passed  between  the  Hunter  of  fourteen  guns  and  Quebec,  and  landed 
safely  at  Point  de  Pezo.  The  boats  were  immediately  sent  back  and  con 
tinued  passing  till  near  daybreak,  while  the  men  on  this  side  marched  up 
the  hill,  at  the  same  place  the  immortal  Wolfe  formerly  did,  and  imme 
diately  formed.  The  place  we  marched  up  is  called  Wolfe's  Cove,  and 
were  you  to  see  the  hill,  you  would  think  it  morally  impossible  for  any 
thing  mortal  to  get  heavy  artillery  up  it.  I  forgot  to  inform  you  that 
Wolfe  had  intrenched  himself  very  strongly  at  Point  Levi,  the  remains  of 
which  are  very  evident,  though  defaced  and  much  filled  up.  Near  day 
break  the  guard  boat  belonging  to  the  man  of  war  was  passing  from  the 
Hunter  to  the  Lizard,  a  frigate  of  twenty-eight  guns,  at  the  time  some  of 
our  boats  were  crossing,  which  made  us  uneasy,  and  as  the  guard  boat  came 
near  the  shore  we  hailed  her,  and  then  fired  upon  her,  and  could  distinctly 
hear  them  cry  out  they  were  wounded ;  they  pushed  off,  and  the  whole 
garrison  was  immediately  alarmed.  After  waiting  some  little  time  till  all 
our  men  were  over  (except  a  guard  stationed  at  Point  Levi),  we  marched 
across  the  plains  of  Abraham,  and  at  daybreak  took  possession  of  some 
houses,  one  mile  and  an  half  from  Quebec  ;  after  fixing  a  strong  guard  we 
retired,  but  were  alarmed  by  their  seizing  one  of  our  sentinels,  whom  they 
carried  off.  Our  army  was  immediately  marched  off  towards  the  walls. 
They  fired  some  heavy  shot  at  us,  but  without  any  execution ;  and  our  men 
as  usual  at  Cambridge,  picked  up  a  number  of  them,  gave  them  three 
hearty  cheers  and  retired  to  their  quarters.  On  Tuesday  they  made  an 
attempt  for  a  second  sentinel,  but  were  unsuccessful.  Our  little  army  im 
mediately  turned  out,  and  we  took  possession  of  a  nunnery  in  the  suburbs 
within  point  blank  shot,  and  fixed  a  strong  guard  there;  they  kept  up  a 
pretty  heavy  fire,  but  fortunately  no  person  received  the  least  injury.  We 
had  now  in  a  great  measure  cut  off  all  communications  between  the  city 
and  country,  and  I  believe  they  began  to  feel  we  were  not  the  most  agreea 
ble  neighbors.  On  Wednesday  we  had  two  alarms  and  expected  they  would 
have  turned  out  and  ventured  a  battle,  but  it  vanished  with  the  roaring  of 
their  cannon.  On  Thursday  evening,  as  a  party  were  crossing  St.  Charles 
river  (for  Quebec  stands  on  a  point  between  St.  Lawrence  and  St.  Charles), 
one  of  our  men,  a  Pennsylvanian,  and  a  noble  soldier  was  wounded  by  a 
cannon  ball  in  the  leg,  which  was  cut  off  as  soon  as  possible,  but  he  had  lost 


Appendix.  185 


so  much  blood  before  the  doctor  could  see  him  that  he  expired  next  morning. 
We  buried  him  on  the  plains  of  Abraham.  A  noble  grave  for  a  soldier, 
and  which  his  past  conduct,  since  he  has  been  in  this  department,  really 
merited.  Little  or  nothing  material  passed  on  Saturday.  On  Sunday 
evening,  about  seven  o'clock,  every  man  received  orders  to  parade  at  Head 
Quarters  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  with  his  pack  on  his  back.  The 
boats  were  dispatched  across  the  river  and  our  guard  brought  from  Point 
Levi.  At  the  appointed  hour  we  assembled  and  received  orders  to  retreat. 
We  set  off,  and  in  our  march  passed  three  different  armed  vessels,  and  as 
the  road  is  on  the  shore  we  expected  at  least  a  broadside,  ut  they  passed 
us  in  peace,  and  upon  their  arrival  at  Quebec,  we  heard  the  discharge  of  a 
number  of  cannon,  from  which  we  concluded  Carleton  was  on  board  one 
of  them,  or  that  'twas  for  joy  of  our  raising  the  seige.  We  marched  eight 
leagues  that  day,  and  the  colonel  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  halt  here, 
till  he  could  provide  the  men  with  shoes  or  moccasins,  many  of  them  being 
almost  barefoot  ;  it  was  the  first  time  I  ever  wore  moccasins  on  a  march, 
and  I  assure  you  from  the  roughness  of  the  road  (it  being  very  hard)  I  could 
not,  in  my  opinion,  if  my  life  had  depended  upon  it,  have  marched  ten  miles 
next  day.  It  has  ever  been  our  fortune  from  first  marching  from  Cambridge, 
whenever  we  were  much  depressed,  fatigued,  etc.,  to  hear  some  agreeable  news 
that  would  immediately  invigorate  us,  and  enable  us  to  proceed  with  tolera 
ble  cheerfulness.  At  this  place  we  heard  the  agreeable  news  of  Montreal 
being  in  our  possession,  that  Governor  Carleton  made  his  escape  in  a  birch 
canoe,  and  that  he  was  actually  in  the  ship  that  passed  by  here  yesterday. 
In  short  everything  once  more  seems  to  conspire  in  our  favor.  Gent 
Montgomery  is  on  his  march  for  Quebec,  and  we  halt  here  till  he  comes 
up,  when  we  shall  return  to  Quebec  again,  though  whether  it  will  be  in  our 
possession  this  winter  or  not  is  uncertain.  We  hear  they  are  driving  in  all 
the  cattle,  etc.,  which  will  enable  them  to  stand  a  long  seige.  In  this 
part  of  the  world  'tis  time  for  men  to  think  of  winter  quarters  rather  than 
attacking  fortified  towns  ;  however  we  are  Americans  and  American  soldiers* 
I  have  not  an  objection  to  visiting  the  plains  of  Abraham  once  more,  and 
'tis  probable  shall  have  good  quarters  even  in  Quebec ;  at  any  rate  I  go  with 
pleasure  and  sincerely  believe  every  man  in  our  army  would  rather  return 
and  is  only  sorry  that  our  situation  rendered  it  impossible  for  us  to  stay 
longer  before  Quebec.  Our  commander  is  a  gentleman  worthy  the  trust 
reposed  in  him  5  a  man,  I  believe,  of  invincible  courage  ;  a  man  of  great 
prudence  ;  ever  serene  ;  he  defies  the  greatest  danger  to  affect  him,  or  diffi 
culties  to  alter  his  temper  5  in  fine  you  will  ever  see  him  the  intrepid  hero, 
and  the  unruffled  Christian. 

"  Thus  have  I  endeavored  to  give  you  a  short  sketch  of  our  past  and 
present  situation  5  I  could  wish  my  abilities  could  have  placed  it  in  a  more 
correct  light  before  you  j  in  my  present  abode  it  was  entirely  out  of  my 
power,  and  it  was  not  a  little  time  before  I  could  procure  even  thus  much 
paper,  which  is  the  leaf  of  a  book,  a  gentleman  had  for  his  journal.  In 
better  times  expect  better  fare.  Quebec,  as  I  mentioned,  stands  upon  a 
point,  between  St.  Lawrence  and  St.  Charles  rivers,  the  latter  not  navigable, 
except  for  ferry  boats,  it  consists  of  the  upper  and  lower  town,  the  latter  is 
immediately  on  the  point  or  water's  edge,  and  consists  of  a  large  number  of 


1 86  Appendix. 

houses  built  thick  5  the  upper  town  is  upon  the  hill,  which  is  prodigiously 
high  5  the  town  is  surrounded  on  the  country  part  by  a  wall,  from  twenty- 
five  to  thirty  feet  high  ;  there  are,  I  think,  three  gates  (though  I  am  not 
certain),  St.  John's,  Port  Lewis,  and  St.  Roque's.  On  each  side  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  from  Quebec  to  Point  aux  Tremble  (cur  present  camp),  the 
hills,  or  rather  banks,  are  very  high,  not  much  less  in  general  than  fifty 
felt 5  many  places  close  upon  the  river;  in  some  places  there  is  a  rich  piece, 
of  level  meadow,  perhaps  the  distance  of  half  a  mile  from  the  bank  to  the 
river.  The  whole  from  here  to  Quebec,  is  thickly  inhabited,  which  I  am 
informed  is  the  case  to  Montreal.  The  houses  are  many  of  them  genteel, 
rather  than  otherwise,  though  in  general  the  inhabitants  live  very  low,  and 
in  their  dress,  manners,  stoves,  etc.,  exactly  resemble  our  Germans.  Since 
I  left  Newbury  Port  till  our  march  last  Sunday,  I  do  not  recollect  that  I 
have  seen  an  oak  tree  5  I  venture  to  say  I  have  not.  In  the  province  of 
Maine,  such  part  as  we  came  through  and  Canada,  has  abounded  chiefly 
with  evergreens,  such  as  fir,  hemlock,  spruce,  cedar,  pine,  birch,  maple,  etc.; 
last  Sunday  I  was  happy  in  seeing  a  few  oaks  and  an  apple  orchard.  The 
inhabitants  few  or  none  speak  English.  How  long  we  may  stay  here  is 
uncertain  —  till  our  reinforcement  arrives,  'tis  probable,  unless  they  should 
venture  to  attack  us  from  Quebec.  Be  it  as  it  will  I  am  content,  and  can 
remove  from  place  to  place  with  as  much  resignation  as  almost  any  one, 
having  been  taught  by  this  campaign  to  consider  no  place  as  my  home  for 
more  than  an  hour  or  a  day." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  volunteer  ivitb  Col.  Arnold  to  his  friend  in  this 
city,  dated  Point  aux  Tremble,  21  miles  from  Quebec,  November  21,  1775. 
"  We  arrived  before  Quebec  the  I5th  inst.,  after  a  severe  march  of  about 
600  miles ;  when  we  left  Cambridge  we  were  eleven  hundred  strong  ;  about 
halfway  Colonel  Enos  got  frightened,  and  with  three  companies,  and  the 
sick,  which  together  was  about  one-half  of  our  number,  and  the  greatest 
part  of  the  provision,  turned  back  !  May  shame  and  guilt  go  with  him, 
and  wherever  he  seeks  a  shelter  may  the  hand  of  justice  shut  the  door  against 
him  ;  perhaps  I  have  said  too  much,  but  a  man  that  has  suffered  by  him, 
can  hardly  refrain  speaking.  We  were  about  two  months  on  our  march, 
thirty-two  days  of  which  we  did  not  see  a  house,  and  at  short  allowance, 
six  days  of  which  we  were  at  half  a  pound  of  pork  and  half  a  pound  of 
flour  per  man  a  day,  after  which  for  four  days  we  had  only  half  a  pound  of 
flour  per  day,  our  pork  being  gone;  two  days  of  which  we  lost  ourselves, 
marched  forty  miles,  and  were  but  ten  miles  on  our  way;  our  whole  stores 
was  then  divided,  and  it  was  about  four  pints  of  flour  per  man  ;  a  small 
allowance  for  men  near  one  hundred  miles  from  any  habitation,  or  prospect 
of  a  supply.  After  having  traveled  fifty  or  sixty  miles  on  this  scanty  allow 
ance  we  came  to  a  river,  which  we  were  told  was  only  eight  miles  from 
the  inhabited  parts,  here  I  sat  down,  baked  and  eat  my  last  morsel  of  bread; 
but,  think  what  was  my  distress,  when  I  found,  after  crossing  the  river, 
that  I  had  thirty  miles  to  travel  before  I  could  expect  the  least  mouthful  ; 
however  my  dread  was  soon  removed  by  the  return  of  Col.  Arnold,  who, 
with  a  small  party  had  made  a  forced  march,  and  returned  to  us  with  some 
cattle  he  had  purchased  of  the  inhabitants  ;  on  these  we  made  a  voracious 
meal,  and  renewed  our  march  with  new  courage  to  Point  Levi  —  from 


Appendix.  187 

•thence  we  were  transported  in  birch  canoes  to  the  plains  of  Abraham,  and 
from  thence  retreated  to  this  place  to  wait  for  Gen.  Montgomery,  who,  we 
are  told,  by  express  this  day,  will  be  with  us  soon." 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Point  aux  Tremble,  dated  Dec.  I,  1775- 
"  An  incessant  hurry  of  business  since  my  arrival  in  Canada,  has  deprived 
me  of  the  pleasure  of  writing  before.  This  serves  to  give  you  a  short  sketch 
-of  our  tour,  the  fatigue  and  hazard  of  which  is  beyond  description  ;  a  future 
day  may  possibly  present  you  with  the  particulars.  The  I5th  Sept.  left 
Cambridge,  same  night  arrived  at  Newburyport  iSth  embarked  and  sailed} 
1 9th  thick  weather  and  a  gale  of  wind,  which  divided  the  fleet  ;  2Oth  ar 
rived  in  Kennebec  river,  2ist  reached  Fort  Western  ;  2,£th  to  29th  one 
division  marched  off  each  day,  with  forty-five  days  provisions;  from  2gth 
to  the  8th  Oct.  the  whole  detachment  were  daily  up  to  their  waists  in 
water,  hauling  up  the  batteaux  against  the  rapid  stream,  to  Norridgewock, 
fifty  miles  from  Fort  Western;  from  the  gth  to  the  i6th  not  a  minute 
was  lost  in  gaining  the  Dead  river  about  fifty  miles  ;  from  i6th  to  27th  we 
ascended  to  Lake  Me;antic  or  Chaudiere  pond,  distance  eighty-three  miles; 
28th  Col.  Arnold  embarked  with  seventeen  men  in  five  bateaux,  being 
resolved  to  proceed  on  to  the  French  inhabitants,  and  send  back  provisions 
to  the  detachment,  who  are  near  out,  and  must  inevitably  suffer  without  a 
supply ;  at  ten  we  passed  over  the  lake  thirteen  miles  long  and  entered  the 
Chaudiere  river,  which  we  descended  about  ten  m>les  in  two  hours,  amazingly 
rocky,  rapid  and  dangerouo,  when  we  had  the  misfortune  of  oversetting  and 
staving  three  bateaux  and  lost  all  their  baggage,  provisions,  etc.,  and  with 
difficulty  saved  the  men  This  disaster,  though  unfortunate  at  first  view 
we  must  think  a  very  happy  circumstance  to  the  whole,  and  kind  interposition 
of  providence,  for  had  we  proceeded  half  a  mile  further,  we  must  have  gone 
over  a  prodigious  fall  which  we  were  not  apprised  of,  and  all  inevitably 
perished  ;  here  we  divided  the  little  provisions  left,  and  Col.  Arnold  pro 
ceeded  on  with  two  bateaux  and  five  men  with  all  possible  expedition,  and 
on  the  3Oth  at  night,  he  arrived  at  the  first  inhabitants,  upwards  of  eighty 
miles  from  the  lake,  where  he  was  kindly  received,  and  the  next  morning 
early  sent  off  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions  to  the  rear  detachment  by  the 
Canadians  and  savages,  about  forty  of  the  latter  having  joined  us  ;  by  the 
8th  the  whole  arrived  except  two  or  three  left  behind  sick  ;  the  loth  we 
reached  Point  Levi,  seventy-five  miles  from  Sartigan  (the  first  inhabitants), 
waited  until  the  I3th  for  the  rear  to  c:me  up  and  employed  the  carpenters 
in  making  ladders  and  collecting  canoes,  those  on  Point  Levi  being  all 
destroyed  to  prevent  our  crossing  ;  having  collected  about  thirty  we  em 
barked  at  nine  p.  M.  and  at  four  A.  M.  carried  over  at  several  times  five 
hundred  men  without  being  discovered.  Thus  in  about  eight  weeks  we 
completed  a  march  of  near  six  hundred  miles  not  to  be  paralleled  in  history  ; 
the  men  having  with  the  greatest  fortitude  and  perseverance  hauled  their 
bateaux  up  rapid  streams,  being  obliged  to  wade  almost  the  whole  way,  near 
one  hundred  and  eighty  miles,  carried  them  on  their  shoulders  near  forty  miles 
over  hills,  swamps  and  bogs  almost  impenetrable,  and  to  their  knees  in  mire, 
being  often  obliged  to  cross  three  or  four  times  with  their  baggage.  Short 
of  provisions,  part  of  the  detachment  disheartened  and  gone  back;  famine 


i88  Appendix. 

staring  us  in  the  face  and  an  enemy's  country,  and  uncertainty  ahead  j  not 
withstanding  all  these  obstacles  the  officers  and  men  inspired  and  fired  with 
the  love  of  liberty  and  their  country,  pushed  on  with  a  fortitude  superior 
to  every  obstacle.  Most  of  them  had  not  one  day's  provision  for  a  week. 
Thus  I  have  given  you  a  short,  but  imperfect  sketch  of  our  march.  The 
night  we  crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  found  it  impossible  to  get  our  ladders  over, 
and  the  enemy  being  apprised  of  our  coming  we  found  it  impracticable  to 
attack  them  without  too  great  a  risk  ;  we  therefore  invested  the  town  and 
cutofftheir  communication  with  the  country.  We  continued  in  this  situation 
until  the  2,oth,  having  often  attempted  to  draw  out  the  garrison  in  vain  ; 
on  a  strict  scrutiny  into  our  ammunition  found  many  of  our  cartridges  (which 
to  appearance  were  good)  unserviceable,  and  not  ten  rounds  apiece  for  the 
men  who  were  almost  naked,  barefooted  and  much  fatigued,  and  as  the 
garrison  was  daily  increasing  and  near  double  our  number,  we  thought  it 
prudent  to  retire  to  this  place  and  wait  the  arrival  of  General  Montgomery 
with  artillery,  clothing,  ere.,  who  to  our  great  joy  this  morning  joined  us. 
We  propose  immediately  investing  the  town,  and  make  no  doubt  in  a  few 
days  to  bring  Carleton  to  terms." 

Camp  before  Quebec,  near  the  General  Hospital,  Dec.  6. 

"I  wrote  you  the  zist  ult.  which  I  make  no  doubt  you  have  received. 
I  then  gave  you  some  particulars  of  our  march,  proceedings,  etc.,  since 
which  Gen.  Montgomery  has  joined  us  with  artillery,  and  about  3000 
men  ;  and  yesterday  we  arrived  here  from  Point  aux  Tremble,  and  are 
making  preparation  to  attack  the  enemy,  who  are  in  close  garrison,  but 
cannot  hold  out  long,  as  from  the  best  account  they  are  very  much  divided 
amongst  themselves,  and  a  prodigious  panic  has  seized  them  all.  Carleton, 
we  are  told,  is  determined  to  hold  out  to  the  very  last,  as  his  only  hope,  for 
he  can  expect  nothing  but  punishment  from  the  ministry,  whom  he  has 
most  egregiously  deceived,  in  regard  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  country.  All 
his  friends,  or  rather  his  courtiers,  say,  he  could  not  have  taken  more  ef 
fectual  measures  than  he  has,  to  ruin  the  country. 

"The  22,d  ult.  he  issued  a  most  extraordinary  proclamation,  strictly  order 
ing  all  who  refuse  to  take  up  arms  and  defend  the  garrison,  to  depart  the 
town  and  district  within  four  days,  with  their  wives  and  children,  under 
pain  of  being  treated  as  rebels  or  spies.  In  consequence  of  which  a  great 
number  of  the  principal  inhabitants  came  out  with  their  families,  but  were 
obliged  to  leave  all  their  property  behind,  except  some  wearing  apparel,  and 
a  little  household  furniture,  etc.  I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  the  proclamation. 
Among  the  corps  who  came  with  Gen.  Montgomery,  is  your  worthy  friend 
Captain  Lamb,  whom  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  a  few  days  ago  at  Point 
aux  Tremble.  Our  men  are  in  high  spirits,  being  now  well  clothed  with 
the  regimentals  destined  for  the  yth  and  a6th  regiments,  who  were  taken 
prisoners  at  St.  John's.  This  is  a  circumstance  which,  I  believe,  the 
like  never  before  happened  to  British  troops,  as  two  regiments  of  them  to 
be  made  prisoners  at  one  time.  Providence  smiles  on  us  in  a  most  remark 
able  manner.  The  Canadians  say,  '  Surely  God  is  with  his  people,  or  they 
could  never  have  done  what  they  have  done.'  They  are  all  astonished  at 
our  march  through  the  wilderness  which  they  say  was  impossible,  and 


Appendix.  189 

would  not  believe  our  coming,  until  they  had  ocular  demonstration  of  it. 
We  are  at  a  great  loss  for  intelligence  from  the  army  at  Cambridge  and 
other  quarters,  having  had  no  certain  accounts  of  their  movements,  nor 
the  least  syllable  of  news  since  we  left  Newbury.  I  am  astonished  a 
regular  communication  has  not  been  opened  between  Montreal  and  the 
colonies,  hope  you  will  pay  a  little  attention  publicly  to  it,  more  especially 
as  there  are  some  scoundrels  who,  with  impunity,  open  the  letters  directed 
to  the  officers  in  our  army,  and  I  suppose  they  continue  the  like  infamous 
practice  with  the  letters  which  are  sent  to  our  friends  and  acquaintance. 
The  genera]  is  now  absent  sending  oft"  an  express,  by  whom  I  send  this.  I 
hope  the  next  time  I  write  you,  it  will  be  from  Quebec,  for  if  the  insulting 
foe  does  not  surrender  shortly,  I  believe  it  is  the  general's  intention  to  carry 
the  town  by  storm." 


ROLL  OF  CAPT.   MATTHEW  SMITH'S  COMPANY. 

On  leaving  Paxtang  this  company  mustered  eighty-seven  (Sy)  men.  Of 
this  number  notwithstanding  our  researches  the  names  of  only  fifty-one  (51) 
can  be  ascertained  with  certainty.  No  papers  of  Smith,  Steel,  Simpson  or 
Cross,  are  known  to  exist.  Of  Capt.  Hendricks's  company  raised  near  the 
same  locality,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  scarcely  a  dozen  names 
have  been  rescued  from  oblivion.  Both  companies  were  of  the  flower  of 
the  country,  brave,  ardent  and  patriotic — and  nowise  daunted  by  the 
sufferings  of  the  Arnold  campaign  —  of  those  who  returned  nearly  all 
returned  to  the  service  : 

CAPTAIN. 
Matthew  Smith,  Paxtang. 

IST  LIEUTENANT. 
Archibald  Steel,  Donegal. 

•  20  LIEUTENANT. 

Michael  Simpson,  Paxtang,  commanded  in  the  assault. 

30  LIEUTENANT. 
William  Cross,  Hanover 

SERGEANTS. 

Boyd,  Thomas,  Derry,  subsequently  Capt.-Lieut,  1st  Pa. 
Cunningham,  Robert,  Londonderry,  d.  at  Lancaster,  of  disease  contracted 
in  prison,  soon  after. 

Dixon,  Robert,  killed  in  front  of  Quebec,  Nov.  17,  1775.  Belonged  to 
West  Hanover. 

PRIVATES. 

Ayres,  John,  Upper  Paxtang. 
Binnagle,  Curtis,  Londonderry. 
Bollinger,  Emanuel,  Paxtang. 
Black,  James,  Hanover. 
Black,  John,  Upper  Paxtang. 


1 90  Appendix. 

Cavenaugh,  Edward,  resided  in  York  county,  subsequently,  "  Honest 
Ned  "  of  Judge  Henry. 

Carbach,  Peter,  Paxtang.  After  return  enlisted  in  Capt.  John  Paul 
Schott's  Co.,  March  12,  1777.  Discharged  at  Lancaster,  in  1783.  Re 
sided  in  Dearborn  Co.,  Ind.,  in  1830. 

Connor,  Timothy,  Bethel. 

Crouch,  James,  Paxtang  5   afterwards  a  colonel. 

Cochran,  Samuel,  Paxtang  5  afterwards  captain  of  the  militia,   1781. 

Crow,  Henry,  died  in  Derry. 

Dougherty,  James,  Londonderry,  captured  at  Quebec  and  put  in  irons 
eight  weeks.  Subsequently  enlisted  I2th  Pa. 

Dixon,  Richard,  Dixon's  Ford. 

Dean,  Samuel,  served  one  year,  then  appointed  Lieut,  in  Col.  Harts' 
regiment,  Flying  camp.  Subsequently  1st  Lieut,  nth  Pa. 

Egle,  Adam,  Lebanon;  wagon-master  at  Cambridge,  Col.  Thompson's 
regiment. 

Elder,  John,  Paxtang. 

Feely,  Timothy,  Dixon's  Ford. 

Griffith,  John,  Harris's  Ferry. 

Harris,  David,  Harris's  Ferry;   subsequently  Capt.  Pa.  Line. 

Harris,  John,  Harris's  Ferry  ;   killed  at  Quebec. 

Henry,  John  Joseph,  Lancaster. 

Kennedy,  John,  Hanover. 

Marshall,  Laurence,  Hanover. 

M'Granagan,  Charles,  Londonderry. 

Merchant,  George,   Donegal. 

M'Enally,  Henry,  Londonderry. 

M'Konkey,  John,  Hanover. 

Mellen,  Atchison,  Paxtang;   resided  in  Lycoming  county  in  1813. 

Nelson  [Nilson],  Alexander,  Derry;  killed  in  front  of  Quebec,  Jan. 
I,  1776, 

Old,  James,  Derry. 

Porterfield,  Charles,  Hanover. 

Ryan,  John,  Derry. 

Simpson,  William,  Paxtang;  wounded  August  27,  1775;  brother  of 
Michael  Simpson. 

Sparrow,  William,  Derry. 

Shaeffer,  John  (drummer)  ;   resided  in  Lancaster  in  1809. 

Smith,  Samuel,  Paxtang. 

Taylor,  Henry,  Paxtang;  captured  Dec.  31,  1773,  returned  Nov.  10,1776. 

Todd  [Tidd]  John,  Hanover. 

Teeder,  Michael,  Hanover;   subsequently  enlisted  5th  Pa. 

Warner,  James  ;  died  in  the  wilderness  near  Chaudiere  lake. —  Henry, 
p.  198. 

Waun,  Michael,  Derry  ;   died  at  the  crossing  of  the  Chaudiere. 

Weaver,  Martin,  Upper  Paxtang. 

Weirick,  Valentine,  Hanover;   resided  in  Dauphin  Co.,  1813. 

Wheeler,  [uncertain]  from  Paxtang. —  Letter  from  Dr.  W.  H. 

Egle. 


INDEX, 


Abenakis,  74. 

Abraham,  plains  of,  82,  184,    187. 

Acorns  as  food,  ai. 

Advance  party,  13. 

Age  of  Reason,   120. 

Agry's  point,  13. 

Alcibiades  fought  in  the  ranks,  119. 

Allen,  Ethan,  voyage  to  England, 
1 20. 

American  Archives,  a. 

Ammeguntick  pond,  2. 

Ammunition  bad  and  scanty,  188  j 
economy  of,  51. 

Amwell,  historian,  86. 

Anderson,  John  F.,   letter  from,  49. 

Appendix,  183. 

Arms  of  the  forces,  II 

Army,  pioneers  return  to,  46  5  re 
treat  of,  165. 

Arnold  characterized,  12  ;  heads 
forlorn  hope,  107  5  wounded, 
109  ;  his  vanity  before  Quebec, 
85,  86  5  letter  from,  133;  re 
turn  of,  1865  to  penetrate  into 
Canada,  i  ;  instructions  to,  2. 

Arnold's  falls,  35. 

Arrow  and  spear  heads,  place  of 
manufacture,  18. 

Aston,  Joseph,  1175  major,  146, 
147,  149. 

Atlee,  Col.  Samuel,    122. 

Ayres,   capt.,   pioneer,   49. 

Ayres,  John,    189. 

Baily,  John,  col.,  63. 

Baldwin,  Loammi,  col.,  63. 

Balsam  fir,  25,  26. 

Bateaux   lost,    1875    relics  of  found, 

495   repaired,  19  ;  taken,    135 

account  of,  13. 
Bears  not  seen,  45. 


Beaver  tails  for  food,  21. 

Biddle,  Owen,  182. 

Bigelow,  major,  68,  60. 

Bingham  purchase,  22. 

Binnagle,   Curtis,    189. 

Black,  James,  189  ;  John,  189. 

Blair,  John,  escape  of,  177. 

Bleary,    its   consistence  defined,    65 

Block  house,    i  30. 

Boats  lost  in  the  Chaudiere,  68  j  re 
moved  from  Point  Levi,   81. 

Fog  meadows,  24,  25. 

Bollinger,  Emanuel,  189. 

Bombazee  tails,   85. 

Bonnet  rouge,  103. 

Boyd,  Thomas,  14,  24,    37,  40,  45 
46,    128,  147,  164,  175,    189; 
his  fate,  1 16,  117. 

Braddocke's  expedition,  iv. 

Brewer,  J.  col.,  60. 

Bridge,  col.,  60. 

Bristol,  181. 

Brown,  It.  col.,  60. 

Buckmaster,  lieut.,  testimony  of,  61. 

Bunker's  hill,  47. 

Burr,  Aaron,  soldier  in  the  army,  7a. 

Cadaracgua,  or  St.  Lawrence,  176. 
Caldwell,  lt.gov.,  his  house,  83,86. 
Cambridge,  army  encamped  at,  I  j 

head  quarters  at,  60  j   march  to 

commence  from,    3,  6  ;   march 

from,  185,  186,  187. 
Campbell,     col.,      retreat     of,    no, 

128,  131. 

Campbell,  Thos.,  117,  118. 
Canada   winter,    1025    balsam,    26  j 

the  first  house  reached,  72. 
Canadian     houses,     765    fare,     78} 

hospitality,      78  ;     settlements, 

183. 


192 


Index. 


Canadians  encourage  invasion,  i  ; 
to  be  protected  from  insult  and 
injury,  2  ;  their  real  sentiments 
to  be  discovered,  3. 

Canoe  snagged,  39  ;  how  repaired, 
40. 

Canoes,  as  constructed  by  the 
Indians,  27,  28  5  bark,  purchas 
ed,  184,  187  ;  birch  bark,  their 
burden  and  how  managed,  15  ; 
constructed,  187. 

Cape  Diamond,  170,  172  ;  described, 
129. 

Carbach,  Peter,  190. 

Carleton,  an  Irishman,  85;  arrival 
at  Quebec,  91,  1855  his  orders, 
1 88;  releases  Natanis,  75; 
generosity  of,  134,  135;  mild 
ness  of  his  reign,  146  ;  his  ac 
count  of  loss,l  1 3  ;  his  humanity, 
114,  115;  to  be  diverted  from 
St.  Johns,  i. 

Cartridges,  commerce  in,  152. 

Carratunk  falls,  35. 

Carrying  place,  first,  16  ;   others,  i. 

2,   22. 

Cataract  in  the  Chaudiere,  69. 
Cattle  sent  to  the  rescue,  72. 
Cavanaugh,   Edward,  55,  136,    137, 

138,  190. 
Cedar-root     cordage,    40  ;      swamp, 

183 

Centennial  relic,  35,  36. 
Chamberlaine,  disobeys  orders,  50. 
Chambers,    col.    Stephen,    viii,    xiii. 
Chatham's    son   to   be    treated    with 

respect,  4. 
Chaudiere,    definition  of,    67  ;    lake, 

described,    36;    head   of,    183, 
187  ;   river,  distance  of,    183  ; 

navigation  dangerous,  58  ;  head 

of,    2;     arrival     at,     35,      36; 

source  discovered,  7. 
Cheeseman,      killed,      131,       J34) 

coffin  of,   170. 
Cheshire  cheese,  175. 
Clap,  Ebeneser,  It.  col.,  63. 
Clark,  Joel,  It.  col.,  63. 
Cleveland,  It.  col.,  60. 


Clifton,     James,    14;    angler,    235 

deserted,  48. 
Clothing  furnished  by  Montgomery, 

102  ;  received,  188. 
Coats     furnished    by     Montgomery, 

141. 

Cochran,  Samuel,  190. 
Colborn's  ship  yard,  13. 
Colburn,  Andrew,  major,  63. 
Conibas  Indians,    19. 
Connecticut  volunteers,  II. 
Connor,  Timothy,  136,  190. 
Cooper,  lieut.,  killed,  112. 
Coppermine  river,    15. 
Cornplanter,  the  Seneca,  169. 
Costume  of  the  companies,  II. 
Craig,  Mr.,  102. 
Crawford,  col  ,117. 
Cromie,  lieut.  gov.,   95  5  his  country 

residence,  96  ;  the  house  rifled, 

97  ;  his  farm  house  sacked,  98. 
Crone,  Henry,  141,  142. 
Cross,  It.  William,  133,  189. 
Crouch,  James,  n,  190. 
Crow,  Henry,  190. 
Cunningham,   Robert,    14,    35,    37, 

38,   47,    117,   189,   128,   147. 
Cushnoc,    i  6. 

Dauphin  jail,  139,  143,  I44j  its 
imbecility,  145,  148. 

Dead-house,  135,  136. 

Dead  river,  183,  187;  its  course, 
22  ;  encampment  on,  24;  head 
of,  33;  army  reaches,  49  ;  name 
misapplied,  29  ;  return  to 

44- 

Dean,  Samuel,  190. 
Dearborn,  capt.,  67  ;  gen.,  II. 
Death  from  repletion,  74. 
Deer,  habits  of,  16. 
Demosthenes   fought  in    the    ranks, 

119. 

Derry,  soldiers  from,  II 
DeVerney,  Hugh,  iii. 
Dinner,      mode    of   preparing,     92  j 

mode  of  serving,  92. 
Disastrous  pass,  66. 
Discipline  to  be  enforced,  3. 


Index. 


193 


Dixon,  amiable,  Robert,  53,  55, 
115,116;  wounded,  88  died, 
89  ;  first  oblation  on  the  altar 
of  liberty  in  Quebec,  90  ; 
killed,  189. 

Dixon,  Richard,  n,  190. 

Doe  Run,  iii. 

Dog  broth,  71. 

Dogs  eaten,  183. 

Dougherty,  James,  52,  190. 

Drake's  Biog.  Dictionary,  47. 

Duck  shot,  37  ;   divided,  38. 

Durkee,  major,  59. 

Egle,    Adam,    190;     Dr.    W.    H., 

190. 

Elder,  John,    190;   Rev.  Mr.,   134. 
Elizabethtown  point,  180. 
Elk,  i 6. 

Emigrant  corps,  136. 
Endesly,  capt.,  115. 
Enos,     second    in     command,    10  5 

his    desertion    known,     7,   59, 

132,     183,       1 86;      trial      of, 

59  ;      proceedings      of      court 

martial,     60  j    acquitted,     61  ; 

his   address  to   the  public,   59  ; 

exults  over  Dr.  Smith,  63. 
Enlistments  declined,  106. 
Escape,   planned   by   prisoners,   147, 

153  ;  frustrated,  156. 
Evergreens,  abundance  of  186. 
Exchange    of   prisoners    announced, 

169. 
Expedition      marched,     12;      took 

different  routes,  note  1 2  ;  object 

and  force  of,  10,  13. 

Famine,  death  from,  66. 

Fatigue  of  the  march,  187. 

Febiger,  Christian,   12,  1815  sketch 

of,   47  ;  reconnoiters    the  city, 

85-. 

Feely,  Timothy,  190. 
Fighting  cock  tavern,  178. 
Fir  branches,  bed  on,  62. 
First  inhabitants  reached,  187. 
Fisdle,  lieut.,  wounded,  112. 
Flagstaff  village,  35. 

17 


Flint  rock  wrought  by  Indians,    18. 

Force,  Peter,  2. 

Forest,  change  of  growth,  49. 

Fort  Halifax,  arrival  at,    1 6. 

Fort  Western,    15,  187;  arrival  at, 

'3- 

Fortress,  attack  on  ordered,  104. 
Fowls,  how  managed,  93. 
Fox,  migrations  of,  17. 
Franklin,  his  discovery  of  electricity, 

144. 

French  spy,  87,  89. 
Freshet  impedes  the  march,  52. 
Frost,  effect  of  on  the  dead,  136. 
Frozen  limbs,  effect  of,   104. 

Game,  scarcity  of,  42. 

Gardiner,   Hanson's  history  of,    13. 

Garrison  alarmed,   184. 

Gaspy  point,  176. 

Gelelemend,  v. 

Getchel,     40,    41,    45;     Jeremiah, 

guide,    15,    185   at    fault,   22; 

ingenious    construction   of,    26. 
Gibson,    Dr.  Thos.,  captured,    112; 

escape  of,  177;   died  117. 
Gibson,  gen.,  at  Logstown,  21. 
Gibson,  George,  vi. 
Gibson,  John  vi. 
Gibson,  John  Bannister,    vi. 
Gluttony,  death  from,  65. 
Gordon,  historian,  86. 
Governor's  island,  176. 
Greaton,  col.,  60. 
Greene,  brig,  gen.,  59  ;  characterized, 

12. 
Greene's   division,    provisioned,    60, 

61. 

Green's  brigade,  6,   10. 
Grier,  Mrs.,  her  endurance,  66,  67. 
Griffith,  John,  190. 
Guard  house,  99. 
Gun  barrel  found,  35. 

Hamilton,  /\.  B.,  n. 
Hamilton,  James,  iv. 
Hand,  general,  14. 
Han-Jost,  117. 
Harp  and  Crown,  tavern,  182. 


i94 


Index, 


Harris,    Biog.   Hist.    Lancaster,    14. 

Harris,  David,  190. 

Harris,  John,  n,  190. 

Harrisburgh,  founder  of,  n. 

Harrison,  capt.,  16. 

Harville,  Sheppard,  25. 

Hayden,  Josiah,  major,  63. 

Hearne's  Journey,  15. 

Heath,  lieut.,  57. 

Heath,  brig.  gen.  Wm.,  59,  63. 

Height  of  land,  2;  discovered,  355 
arrival  at,  58. 

Hendricks,  capt.  Wm.,  vii,  u  ; 
characterized,  12  j  superseded 
by  Morgan,  50,  57  ;  at  the 
attack,  no,  111  ;  killed,  in, 
135}  sketch  of,  nij  grave 
of,  1705  his  company,  189. 

Henry,  Anne,  v. 

Henry,  Anne  Mary,  x. 

Henry,    John,    vi. 

Henry,  John  Joseph,  u,  1905 
memoir  of,  iii,  xij  his  nar 
rative,  6,  7,  8,  9  ;  pioneer, 
190;  as  first  lieut.,  147. 

Henry,  Benj.  West,  x. 

Henry,  William,  iii,  iv,  xi. 

Hide,  lieut,,  testimony  of  61. 

Hitchcock,  Daniel,  col.,   63. 

Home,  John,  guide,  15. 

Hospital,  sick  in,  152. 

Howe,  general,  177. 

Hubbard,  capt.,  wounded,  112. 

Hubley,  John,  xiii. 

Huguenots,  iii. 

Humphreys,  lieut.,  58  j  at  the 
attack,  110,  in;  killed,  112, 
135  ;  grave  of,  170. 

Hunter,  sloop  of  war,  89  ;  vessel, 
184. 

Hunter's  falls,    129. 

Imprisonment,  pains  of,  166. 

Indian  bread,  62;  file,  64;  imple 
ments  of  birch,  27. 

Indians  encourage  invasion,  I  ;  first 
employed  by  Am.  army,  75. 

Inhabitants  devout,  284 ;  fly  from 
war,  87. 


Invaders  clad  in  sheet  iron,  n. 
Invasion,  letters  respecting,  183. 
Irons  applied  to  prisoners,  159  j 

struck  off,  1 66. 
Isle  of  Orleans,  133. 

ail,  its  structure,  etc.,  148. 
enner,  Dr.,  his  discovery,  144. 
erking   flesh,   how  performed,   44. 
ohnson,  major,  60. 
ournals  of  the  expedition,  6. 

Kennebec  river,  I,  3,  187  ;  navigable 
for  sloops,  etc.,  I  j  arrival  at, 
1 3  ;  carry  on,  49. 

Kennedy,  John,  190. 

Killed   at  Quebec,  number  of,    113. 

Killikinxk  in  tobacco,    169. 

King's  store  to  be  secured,  4. 

Koquethaquehton,  v. 

Ladders  constructed,  187,   188. 

Lake  Megantic,  187. 

Lamb,  captain,  100;  arrival  of,  188  j 

wounded,  112. 
Lamb's  artillerists,  146. 
Lancaster,  Penn.,iii;  volunteers,  u. 
Law  reports,  viii. 
Laws,  captain,   112. 
Leather  as  food,  72. 
Lee,  Charles,  maj.  gen.,  pres.  court 

martial,    59. 

Livingston's  regiment,  103. 
Lizzard  frigate,   184. 
Lobscouse,  140,  143. 
Log  driving,  35. 
Logan.  Mengwe  chief,  vi. 
Logstown,  vi,   21. 
Long  Island,  battle  of,  176. 
Losses  by  the  war,   143. 
Lutz,  Stephen,  181. 

Maclean,  col.,  85,   136. 
Maibom,  major,  165. 
Maine   wilderness,    i  ;  last   inhabit 
ants,   183. 
Map  of  bark,  33. 
Marshall,  Lawrence,  190. 
Marsh,  It.  col.,  60. 


Index. 


95 


Marshall's  Diary,  vii. 

Martin,   Mr.,   his  escape,  149,    151. 

Massachusetts,  Hist.  Soc.  collections, 

6  ;   volunteers,  1 1, 
Maybin,  doctor,  161,  166. 
M'Cleland,    65  ;     account     of,    69  j 

died,  75. 

McClure,  Robert,  n. 
McCobb,  capt.,  testimony  of,  60. 
McCoy,      Wm.,  to    act    as   colonel, 

142,  143,  '47,  '49- 
M'Dougal,  col.,  119,  122. 
M'Enally,  Henry,  53,  190. 
McGranagan,  Charles,  190. 
M'Kenzie,     capt.,      1755    captured, 

80,  8 1. 
McKonkey,  John,  15,   19,  23,  48, 

49,  190. 
McPherson,     killed,       131,      134; 

coffin  of,  170. 

Mease,  clothier  general,  122. 
Meigs,  major,  12;    his  narrative,  6, 

'3- 

Mellen,  Atchison,  190. 

Melvin,  his  narrative,  6. 

Mengwe  chief,  vi. 

Merchant,     George,     14,   42,     84, 

1905  sent   to  England,  120. 
Merchants,  generous  gift  to  prisoners, 

128. 

Midshipman  captured,  79. 
Moccasins  provided,  185;   failure  of, 

68  5    as     food,    72  5    seal-skin, 

94- 

Montgomery  expected,  185,  187, 
1885  arrived,  94;  plan  of  at 
tack,  1065  killed,  no;  place 
of  his  death,  120,  134;  loss  of, 
8;  funeral  of,  134;  coffin  of, 
170. 

Montreal  taken,  185, 

Moose  deer,  appearance  of,  16: 
horns  found,  20  5  favorite  food 
of,  20  ;  prefer  red  willow,  1 69  ; 
shot,  42. 

Moravians,  iv,  v. 

Morgan,  Daniel,  10,  182;  anecdote 
of,  50;  his  discipline,  51,  58  ; 
supersedes  Hendricks,  57  j 


Morgan  at  the  attack,  no,  uij 
characterized,  12  ;  described, 
48  ;  his  riflemen,  49  :  anecdote 
of,5O  ;  his  discipline, 5 1 ;  super 
sedes  Hendricks,  57. 

Morgan's  force  thinned,  143. 

Moss   bog,  46;   plateaus  of,  24,  25. 

Mount  Bigelow,  35,  58. 

Murray,  major,  157  ;  his  journal  of 
the  route  to  Quebec,  142. 

Narratives   of  the  expedition,   6,   7. 

Natanis,    74,    169;   wounded,    75; 

captured,    1125  his  cabin,    20, 

3»»  32- 

Natural  history,  systems  of,  17. 
Nelson    (Nilson)   Alexander,    190; 

killed,  134. 
Newburyport,    186,     187;    inquiries 

to  be   made   at,    3  ;   expedition 

arrived  at,  13. 

New  England  Hist,  and  Gen.  Regis 
ter,  6. 

New  Hampshire,  volunteers  from  n. 
New  Years  gift,  128. 
New  York,    arrival  of  prisoners    at, 

176  $   fire  in,  178 
Nichols,    lieut.,    56,      181;    at   the 

attack,    1115     captured,     112 

115. 

Nixon,  col.,  59,  63. 
Norridgewock,    i,    187  ;   arrival    at, 

18,  19,  21. 

North  Auson,  Maine,  34. 
North's  History  of  Augusta,  16,  22. 
North,   James  W.,  letter  from,    49, 

58. 

Oaks  not  seen,  186. 
Octorara  meeting  house,  iii. 
Ogden,  a  Jersey  cadet,  84,  109. 
Olds,  James,  53,  190. 
Oracle  of  Reason,  120. 
Orleans,  isle  of,  133. 
Oswego  falls,  53. 


Payne,  Thomas,  122. 
Palace  gate,-ioi,  102. 
Panic,  effects  of,  101. 


196 


Index. 


Parker,  Michael,  murdered,  117. 
Parole  of  prisoners,  170. 
Parsons,  Samuel  H.,  col.,  63. 
Port  Lewis,  1 8  6. 
Paxtang,  105,  189;  massacre,  v. 
Paxton  volunteers,  II. 
Peasantry,   comfortably  housed,    95. 
Penn,  Juliana,  vii. 
Pennsylvania    Hist.    Soc.    Bulletin, 
6;   immigrants   to,  iv ;   Journal 
and    Weekly    Advertiser,    183. 
Pioneers  return  to  the  army,  46. 
Plato,  song  of,  56. 
Plunder  prohibited,  3. 
Point  aux  Tremble,  90,    183,    186, 

187,   188. 
Point  de  Pezo,  184. 
Point  Levi,  35,  76,   183,  184,  186, 

187. 

Poor,  major,  60. 
Porpoises,  176. 
Porter,  Wm.  A.,  ix. 
Porterfield,     Charles,    190;    killed, 

116. 

Powder,  economy  of,  50. 
Prentice,  Samuel,  major,  63. 
Prentis,    captain,     129,     157,    165, 

169,170;  account  of  loss,  113. 
Prisoners,    conspiracy   among,    147; 

ironed,     158;    embark,     175; 

to  be  treated  with  humanity,  4. 
Provision  exhausted,    36,  183,  186; 

full    value    to  be   paid    for,    4 ; 

how   divided,    23  ;  scanty,    29, 

6 1  ;  taken  by  pioneer  force,  15  ; 

in  prison,  138. 

Quebec,  Arnold  to  capture,  I  ; 
distance  to,  I  ;  capture  of,  the 
object  of  the  expedition,  7  ; 
attacked,  107  ;  described,  129. 
185;  houses  taken  possession 
of,  184;  its  defences;  172; 
quietness  of,  82. 

Rale,  killed,  19. 

Rank  not  to  be  contended  for,  4. 
Redbank,  Greene  at,  12. 
Red  willow,  168. 


Reed,  James,  col.,  63  j  Joseph,  col., 
60,  63. 

Reguliers,  monastery,  124.  132. 

Reindeer,  20. 

Relics  of  the  expedition,   34,  35. 

Religious  notions  to  be  respected,  4. 

Retreat  ordered,  185,  187;  time 
for  lost,  112. 

Reynolds,  Wm.,  56. 

Rhode  Island  volunteers,  n  j  Hist. 
Soc.  Collections,  7. 

Rifle  corps,  precedence  of,  51. 

Riflemen  in  the  expedition,  10;  re 
turned  to  Quebec,  94  ;  took  up 
quarters,  99 ;  share  of  pro 
visions,  61. 

Roads,  how  constructed,  93  j  how 
opened  in  winter,  93. 

Roeser,  Matthew,  iv. 

Route,  plan  of,  i. 

Roxbury,  rifle  company  at,  6. 

Ryan,  John,  190. 

Sabatis,  32,  74,  80. 

Sartigan,    187. 

Savages  used  by  the  army,  u. 

Scaling  ladders  deficient,   82. 

SchaerFer,  John,  190. 

Schatt,  capt.    John  Paul,  190. 

Schuyler,     gen.,    consulted    on      the 

propriety  of  the  expedition,    i  ; 

to  act  in  concert  with,  4. 
Scott,  capt.,  testimony  of,  61. 
Screw  auger,  invention  of,  xi. 
Scurvy,  xii  ;  appearance  of,  161  ;  its 

origin,    162;   effects   of,    164; 

recurrence  of,  182;  grass,  163. 
Sebasticook  river,   16. 
Senter,  his  narrative,  6. 
Sentries  picked  off,  100. 
Sergeant,  col.,  60. 
Shaeffer,  John,  drummer,  63. 
Shepard,  Wm.,  It.  col.,  63. 
Sherburne,  major,  59. 
Sherman,  Isaac,  major,  63. 
Shirts  of  linen  provided,  167. 
Shitz,  Francis,  murder  of,  ix. 
Shoemakara    among    the     pioneers.- 

147., 


Index. 


197 


Shoes  eaten,  183. 

Simpson,  Michael,  8,  n,  75  ;  lieut., 

189;    sketch     of,     30;      gen., 

characteristics  of,  51. 
Simpson,   Wm.,    190. 
Singleton,  serjeant,  105. 
Six  Nations,    116. 
Skowhegan,  35. 
Skowhig  falls,  35. 
Sleighing,  93. 
Slough,   lieut,,   vi. 
Slush,  sought  for,   143. 
Small    pox    introduced    by    women, 

107  ;  inoculation  for,  144. 
Smith,  Aubrey  H.,  x. 
Smith,  Calvin,  major,  63. 
Smith,  Dr.  of  Philad.,  63. 
Smith,  Matthew,  vii,    1 1  ;  captain, 

75'  l89- 

Smith's  company,  1 1  ;  roll  of, 
189. 

Smith,  col.,  sketch  of,  105. 

Smith,  Samuel,   190. 

Smith,  Thomas,  x. 

Snow,  great  depth  of,  137;  effects 
of  falling  in,  114  ;  utility  of  to 
vegetation,  164;  shoes,  94. 

Snowed   under,    63. 

Socrates  fought  in  the  ranks, 
119. 

Soldiers   wounded,    185. 

Sparrow,  Wm .,    190. 

Spears  formed  of  berths,  146. 

Spoons,  manufacture  of,    140. 

Spring,  parson,  109. 

Sprout,  Ebenezer,  major,  63. 

Squirrels,  42;  habits  of,  18. 

St.  Charles  river,  184. 

St.  Foix,  parish  of,  94. 

St.   Francis   Indians,   4. 

St.  John's  gate,  145,  186;  gate  un 
barred,  83. 

St.  Johns,  island  of,  176;  prisoners 
taken  at,  188. 

St.  Lawrence,  its  majesty,  91  ;  pass 
age  of,  184,  188. 

St.  Roque,  171,  173,  174,  186. 

Standish,   Miles,  58. 

Stark,  John,  col.,  59,  63. 


Steele,  Archibald,  u,  765  sketch 
of,  145  lieut.,  45,  189;  hi» 
adventure,  8 1,  82  j  pioneer  of 
the  advance,  14,  68  ;  alter 
cation  with  Morgan,  50 ;  at 
the  attack,  no,  in;  wounded, 
112,;  pioneer  detachment  of,  7. 

Steinbock,  habits  of,  17. 

Steward,  Columbus,  on  the  Arnold 
trail,  34. 

Stone,  Edwin  M.,  7. 

Stony  point,  attack  on,  47. 

Stove,  Canadian,   92. 

Stroud  blanket,  134. 

Sullivan,  brig,  gen.,  60,  61,  6a ; 
his  expedition,  116. 

Sumach,  poisonous,  169. 

Swords  made  of  hoop  iron,  146. 

Taconick  falls,  I. 

Tailors  among  the  prisoners,  147. 

Taylor,  Henry,  190;  John  M.,  68, 
76. 

Tea  abandoned,  89. 

Teeder,  Michael,  190. 

Thayer,  his  narrative,  6,  7,  13. 

Thompson,  gen.  Wm.,  175. 

Ticonic,  how  situated,  16. 

Tidd,  John,  14,  52    (see  Todd). 

Timber  region,  25. 

Tobacco  introduced,  168  ;  its  poison 
ous  effects,  1 68. 

Todd  (Tidd),  John,  190. 

Tory,  definition  of,  16,  1 8. 

Transports,  sailed,  13. 

Trees  of  the  forest,  1 8  6. 

Troops,  arrival  of,  165. 

Trout  fishing,  23,  30,  31. 

Tudor,  W.,  judge  advocate,  59,    60. 

Tyler,  John,  It.  col.,  63. 

Vose,  It.  col.,  60. 
Virginia,  riflemen  from,  u. 
Virginians  affect  superiority,  57. 
Volunteers,  whence  from,  in. 

Ware's   narrative,    6. 
Warner,  James,   64,  190;  perished 
65. 


198 


Index. 


Warner,  Mrs.  Jemima,  65. 
Washington,  letter  to   congress,   i  j 

instructions      to     Arnold,      a  ; 

address  to  the  people  of  Canada, 

5  5  general  order,  6. 
Waun,  Michael,  190. 
Weaver,  Martin,  190. 
Webb,  Charles,  col.,  63. 
Weirich,  Valentine,  190. 
Wells,  Levi,  major,  65. 
Wesson,  James,  It.  col.,  63. 
West  Hanover,  Pa.,  90. 
Wheeler,  Jesse,  14,  37,  43,  45,  82, 

190. 

White  Hall  tavern,  178. 
White's  ferry,   35. 


Wilderness,  time  passed  in,  183. 
Williams,  capt.,  testimony  of,  60. 
Winsor,  Justin,  6. 
Winter,  the  season  of  good  humor, 

100. 

Wolf,  grey,  43. 
Wolf's   cove,  82,    129,    184;   place 

of  landing,  184. 

Women  that  followed  the  army,  66. 
Wood,   major,   60. 
Wounded,  number  of,  1-13,  114. 
Wyllys,  Samuel,  col.,  63. 

York  artillerists,  100. 
Yorktown,  Fcbiger  at,  47. 


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